[extropy-chat] Getting AId to people in need
Olga Bourlin
fauxever at sprynet.com
Fri Sep 2 03:29:53 UTC 2005
From: "Dan Clemmensen" <dgc at cox.net>
Sent: Thursday, September 01, 2005 6:53 PM
>
> What astounded me was the inattention the press gave to the levees. The
> press did their hurricane thing, looking at the "standard" hurricane
> damage in Biloxi and Gulfport,and they thought New Orleans was the same.
This is another interesting perspective on some possible inattention due to
...?:
press box
Lost in the Flood
Why no mention of race or class in TV's Katrina coverage?
By Jack Shafer
Posted Wednesday, Aug. 31, 2005, at 4:22 PM PT
I can't say I saw everything that the TV newscasters pumped out about
Katrina, but I viewed enough repeated segments to say with 90 percent
confidence that broadcasters covering the New Orleans end of the disaster
demurred from mentioning two topics that must have occurred to every
sentient viewer: race and class.
Nearly every rescued person, temporary resident of the Superdome, looter, or
loiterer on the high ground of the freeway I saw on TV was African-American.
And from the look of it, they weren't wealthy residents of the Garden
District. This storm appears to have hurt blacks more directly than whites,
but the broadcasters scarcely mentioned that fact.
Now, don't get me wrong. Just because 67 percent of New Orleans residents
are black, I don't expect CNN to rename the storm "Hurricane" Carter in
honor of the black boxer. Just because Katrina's next stop after destroying
coastal Mississippi was counties that are 25 percent to 86 percent
African-American (according to this U.S. Census map), and 27.9 percent of
New Orleans residents are below the poverty line, I don't expect the Rev.
Jesse Jackson to call the news channels to give a comment. But in the their
frenzy to beat freshness into the endless loops of disaster footage that
have been running all day, broadcasters might have mentioned that nearly all
the visible people left behind in New Orleans are of the black persuasion,
and mostly poor.
To be sure, some reporters sidled up to the race and class issue. I heard
them ask the storm's New Orleans victims why they hadn't left town when the
evacuation call came. Many said they were broke—"I live from paycheck to
paycheck," explained one woman. Others said they didn't own a car with which
to escape and that they hadn't understood the importance of evacuation.
But I don't recall any reporter exploring the class issue directly by
getting a paycheck-to-paycheck victim to explain that he couldn't risk
leaving because if he lost his furniture and appliances, his pots and pans,
his bedding and clothes, to Katrina or looters, he'd have no way to replace
them. No insurance, no stable, large extended family that could lend him
cash to get back on his feet, no middle-class job to return to after the
storm.
What accounts for the broadcasters' timidity? I saw only a couple of black
faces anchoring or co-anchoring but didn't see any black faces reporting
from New Orleans. So, it's safe to assume that the reluctance to talk about
race on the air was a mostly white thing. That would tend to imply that
white people don't enjoy discussing the subject. But they do, as long as
they get to call another white person racist.
My guess is that Caucasian broadcasters refrain from extemporizing about
race on the air mostly because they fear having an Al Campanis moment.
Campanis, you may recall, was the Los Angeles Dodgers vice president who
brought his career to an end when he appeared on Nightline in 1987 and
explained to Ted Koppel that blacks might not have "some of the necessities"
it takes to manage a major league team or run it as a general manager for
the same reason black people aren't "good swimmers." They lack "buoyancy,"
he said.
Not to excuse Campanis, but as racists go he was an underachiever. While
playing in the minor leagues, he threw down his mitt and challenged another
player who was bullying Jackie Robinson. As Dodger GM, he aggressively
signed black and Latino players, treated them well, and earned their
admiration. Although his Nightline statement was transparently racist, in
the furor that followed, nobody could cite another racist remark he had ever
made. His racism, which surely blocked blacks from potential front-office
Dodger careers, was the racism of overwhelming ignorance—a trait he shared
(shares?) with many other baseball executives.
This sort of latent racism (or something more potent) may lurk in the hearts
of many white people who end up on TV, as it does in the hearts of many who
watch. Or, even if they're completely clean of racism's taint, anchors and
reporters fear that they'll suffer a career-stopping Campanis moment by
blurting something poorly thought out or something that gets misconstrued.
Better, most think, to avoid discussing race at all unless someone with
impeccable race credentials appears to supervise—and indemnify—everybody
from potentially damaging charges of racism.
Race remains largely untouchable for TV because broadcasters sense that they
can't make an error without destroying careers. That's a true pity. If the
subject were a little less taboo, one of last night's anchors could have
asked a reporter, "Can you explain to our viewers, who by now have surely
noticed, why 99 percent of the New Orleans evacuees we're seeing are
African-American? I suppose our viewers have noticed, too, that the
provocative looting footage we're airing and re-airing seems to depict
mostly African-Americans."
If the reporter on the ground couldn't answer the questions, a researcher
could have Nexised the New Orleans Times-Picayune five-parter from 2002,
"Washing Away," which reported that the city's 100,000 residents without
private transportation were likely to be stranded by a big storm. In other
words, what's happening is what was expected to happen: The poor didn't get
out in time.
To the question of looting, an informed reporter or anchor might have
pointed out that anybody—even one of the 500 Nordic blondes working in
broadcast news—would loot food from a shuttered shop if they found
themselves trapped by a flood and had no idea when help would come. However
sympathetic I might be to people liberating necessities during a disaster in
order to survive, I can't muster the same tolerance for those caught on
camera helping themselves in a leisurely fashion to dry goods at Wal-Mart.
Those people weren't looting as much as they were shopping for good stuff to
steal. MSNBC's anchor Rita Cosby, who blurted an outraged if inarticulate
harrumph when she aired the Wal-Mart heist footage, deserves more respect
than the broadcasters who gave the tape the sort of nonjudgmental commentary
they might deliver if they were watching the perps vacuum the carpets at
home.
When disaster strikes, Americans—especially journalists—like to pretend that
no matter who gets hit, no matter what race, color, creed, or socioeconomic
level they hail from, we're all in it together. This spirit informs the 1997
disaster flick Volcano, in which a "can't we all just get along" moment
arrives at the film's end: Volcanic ash covers every face in the big crowd
scene, and everybody realizes that we're all members of one united race.
But we aren't one united race, we aren't one united class, and Katrina
didn't hit all folks equally. By failing to acknowledge upfront that black
New Orleanians—and perhaps black Mississippians—suffered more from Katrina
than whites, the TV talkers may escape potential accusations that they're
racist. But by ignoring race and class, they boot the journalistic
opportunity to bring attention to the disenfranchisement of a whole
definable segment of the population. What I wouldn't pay to hear a Fox
anchor ask, "Say, Bob, why are these African-Americans so poor to begin
with?"
sidebar
Return to article
Jack Shafer is Slate's editor at large.
Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/2124688/
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