[extropy-chat] FWD [fantasticreality] Nice Summary of Problems of the self-denoted "Cultural Elites"
Terry Colvin
fortean1 at mindspring.com
Thu Jul 20 02:30:04 UTC 2006
-----Forwarded Message-----
>
>This is nice review of some (I am sure it is incomplete) of the
>problems regular folk see with the so-called cultural elites. It is
>in the form of a summary of the conclusions of the great social
>critic Christopher Lasch from his book The Revolt of the Elites. I
>like it because Lasch knew the "Elites" from the inside, being one
>of them himself. I especially note how he counters Peter Parks'
>claim that "bettering oneself" and "meritocracy" is in some way part
>of the American democratic ideal of respect for every person, no
>matter to which social class they might be assigned by
>their "betters" at any given moment. Lasch's book is well worth a
>read.
>
>THE REVOLT OF THE ELITES: And the Betrayal of Democracy by,
>Christopher Lasch
>
>Publisher: W.W. Norton & CO.
>
>December - 1995
>
>In this book, an American historian finds fault with the values and
>beliefs of America's professional elites.
>
>Christopher Lasch argues that democracy today is threatened not by
>the masses, as Jose Ortega y Gasset argued in The Revolt of the
>Masses, but by the elites.
>
>These elites - mobile and increasingly global in outlook - refuse to
>accept limits or ties to any nation or place. Lasch contends that as
>they isolate themselves in their networks and enclaves, they abandon
>the traditional middle class and betray our democracy.
>
>The author traces how meritocracy - and its selective elevation of
>individuals into the elite class - gradually replaced the original
>American democratic ideal of general competence and respect for
>every man.
>
>The author criticizes our elite class for valuing self-esteem over
>achievement. He sees self-fulfilment as a false remedy for deeper
>social problems, and he attacks the superior pseudoradicalism of the
>academic left.
>
>He sees these Americans as apathetic about their common culture and
>ambivalent about arguing politics or voting.
>
>The elites, having jettisoned the moral and ethical guidelines
>provided by religion, cling to the belief that through various
>sciences they can master their fates and escape mortal limits.
>
>In pursuit of this illusion they have become infatuated with the
>global economy. Their revolt, the author warns, is diminishing what
>is worthwhile about American life.
>
>1. There used to be the threat of communism and the revolt of the
>workers. Now the threat is a revolt of the elites.
>
>1.1. Those who control the international flow of information,
>bankers, stockbrokers, executives, professors, government analysts,
>have lost faith in the concept of Western Civilization and of
>reason.
>
>1.2. These behaviours and beliefs are more characteristic of the
>upper classes and represent the betrayal of the middle class and of
>the lower classes, but especially the middle class.
>
>1.3. The middle and lower classes are much more socially and morally
>conservative than their would-be liberators from the upper class.
>The natural and reasonable conservatism of the middle and lower
>classes is not serviced by the media, who are controlled by elites.
>These elites believe that they know what is best for the masses.
>
>2. The Decline of the Middle Class
>
>2.1. The middle class is treated with scorn and derision by the new
>elites. Everything that is ugly in society is associated with the
>unenlightened middle class (i.e. homophobia, racism, retrograde
>attitudes towards women, etc.)
>
>2.2. Lasch argues that the crisis in the middle class must be
>addressed for democracy to survive.
>
>2.3. The middle class is the silent backbone of society, paying an
>ever-growing proportion of the national tax receipts and working
>longer hours. Meanwhile the welfare state generates complacency
>among the lower class and the upper-middle and upper class become
>more powerful and separate from those who surround them.
>
>3. Who are the New Elites?
>
>3.1. They are symbolic analysts. They live in a world of ideas,
>abstract concepts and symbols: the stockmarket, financial trends,
>technology, communications, universities, etc.
>
>3.2. They participate in a market that is global in scope.
>
>3.3. They have more in common with their counterparts in foreign
>cities such as London, Brussels, Hong Kong and Cairo than they do
>with the average people whom they see every day.
>
>3.4. In these abstract circles, there exists the cynical idea that
>the circles of power in finance, government, entertainment and the
>academe become interchangeable.
>
>3.5. This is product of the Meritocracy.
>
>4. Lasch's Meritocracy
>
>4.1. The meritocracy has many of the attributes of the aristocracy
>minus its positive traits.
>
>4.2. No sense of social chivalry and noblesse oblige.
>
>4.3. No sense of community and of place.
>
>4.4. Symbolic analysts often feel that they are self-made people who
>owe all their privileges to their efforts and talent.
>
>4.5. They tend to be transient and live in a community of
>contemporaries. They do not accept the generational transfer of
>wisdom, knowledge and values.
>
>5. Meritocracy and Democracy
>
>5.1. For Lasch, meritocracy is a parody of democracy.
>
>5.2. It has brought on the collapse of public schools and an end to
>the notion of a common culture.
>
>5.3. Educational reforms leave little possibility for outrage. Those
>who are left behind know that "they have had every chance to
>succeed."
>
>5.4. The concept of an obligation to others is depersonalized in the
>meritocracy. The symbolic analysts who benefit from being elites
>feel for their fellow citizens but do little directly or physically
>to benefit their fellow citizens.
>
>6. Democracy in the Age of Meritocracy and Globalization
>
>6.1. In the borderless economy, money has lost its nationality.
>Thus, it is harder to pinpoint those who divert it away from the
>national popular interest.
>
>6.2. A strong centralized government, run by a quasi-permanent
>bureaucracy reduce the possibility for protest, change and real
>representation.
>
>6.3. A strong centralized government is supported by a media that is
>owned by and serves more and more, a class of symbolic analysts who
>are increasingly removed from the common culture.
>
>7. Lasch's thesis is that the decline of democracy is closely linked
>to the decline of the middle class and a move away from argument,
>discussion, freedom, individuality and a common culture.
>
>The Lost Art of Argument
>
>8. For many years we have been regaled with the benefits of the
>communications revolution. Lasch contends that all is not as rosy as
>it would seem.
>
>8.1. The post-industrial economy puts a focus on the
>interchangeability of employ for the majority of non-symbolic
>analyst work.
>
>8.2. A growing concentration of non-union labour-intensive parts of
>the economy.
>
>9. Why is this happening?
>
>9.1. We tend to blame the schools, but this is fallacy in Lasch's
>eyes. Instead Lasch says that it is the general decay of public
>debate that has caused this.
>
>9.2. What democracy depends on is not information, but informed,
>rigorous and reasoned public debate.
>
>9.3. The only way that we know that we know something is by
>subjecting our ideas to the test of public controversy.
>
>9.4. Lasch thinks that an example of this decline in public debate
>is the way televised political debates have changed. The corporate
>media demand certain types of politicians.
>
>10.Government, Media and Meritocracy
>
>10.1. The corporatization of the media has brought about the
>incorporation of corporate methods in governance. Technocracy is the
>result.
>
>10.2. Democracy requires the broad discussion of issues. This is
>difficult when discussion is discouraged. Lasch says that the
>written word is a poor substitute for oral argument.
>
>11.The author notes the rise of "Public Relations and Advertising"
>and its negative effects on the democratic exchange of ideas.
>
>12. The author laments the loss of "the ability to follow an
>argument, grasp the point of view of another, expand the boundaries
>of understanding, and debate alternative purposes that might be
>pursued."
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