[ExI] Friedman and negative income tax
Damien Broderick
thespike at satx.rr.com
Sun May 3 22:14:53 UTC 2009
While I still regard some form of GI as a
plausible mechanism to ease the transition from a
toil economy to one based on cheap or free matter
compilers, etc, I'm also struck (as someone who
was powerfully moved by Heinlein and Rand as a
teen and young adult) with the stern, resolute
Protestant Ethic of Rothbard in his assault on Friedman Sr.:
http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard43.html
<...the supply of welfare clients is inversely
proportion to another vitally important factor:
the cultural or value disincentive of going on
welfare. If this disincentive is strong, if, for
example, an individual or group strongly believes
that it is evil to go on welfare, they will not
do it, period. If, on the other hand, they do not
care about the stigma of welfare, or, worse yet,
they regard welfare payments as their right a
right to exert a compulsory, looting claim upon
production then the number of people on welfare
will increase astronomically, as has happened in recent years.
There are several recent examples of the "stigma
effect." It has been shown that, given the same
level of income, more people tend to go on
welfare in urban than in rural areas, presumably
as a function of the greater visibility of
welfare clients and hence the greater stigma in
the more sparsely populated region. More
important, there is the glowing fact that certain
religious groups, even when significantly poorer
than the rest of the population, simply do not go
on welfare because of their deeply held ethical
beliefs. Thus, the Chinese-Americans, while
largely poor, are almost never to be found on welfare. ...
Another example is the Mormon Church, very few of
whose members are on public welfare. For the
Mormons not only inculcate in their members the
virtues of thrift, self-help, and independence,
they also take care of their own needy through
church charity programs which are grounded on the
principle of helping people to help themselves,
and thereby getting them off charity as quickly
as possible. Thus, the Mormon Church counsels its
members that "to seek and accept direct public
relief all too often invites the curse of
idleness and fosters the other evils of dole. It
destroys ones independence, industry, thrift,
and self-respect." Hence, the Churchs highly
successful private welfare program is based on
the principles that the Church has encouraged its
members to establish and maintain their economic
independence: it has encouraged thrift and
fostered the establishment of employment-creating
industries; it has stood ready at all times to help needy faithful members.
And:
Our primary purpose was to set up, in so far as
it might be possible, a system under which the
curse of idleness would be done away with, the
evils of a dole abolished, and independence,
industry, thrift, and self-respect be once more
established among our people. The aim of the
Church is to help the people help themselves.
Work is to be re-enthroned as the ruling
principles of the lives of our Church membership.
. . . Faithful to this principle, welfare workers
will earnestly teach and urge Church members to
be selfsustaining to the full extent of their
powers. No true latterday Saint will, while
physically able, voluntarily shift from himself
the burden of his own support. The Libertarian
approach to the welfare problem, then, is to
abolish all coercive, public welfare, and to
substitute for it private charity based on the
principle of encouraging self-help, bolstered
also by inculcating the virtues of self-reliance
and independence throughout society.
But the Friedman plan, on the contrary, moves in
precisely the opposite direction, for it
establishes welfare payments as an automatic
right, an automatic, coercive claim upon the
producers. It thereby removes the stigma effect
altogether, disastrously discourages productive
work by steep taxation, and by establishing a
guaranteed income for not working, which
encourages loafing. In addition, by establishing
an income floor as a coercive "right," it
encourages welfare clients to lobby for
ever-higher floors, thus continually aggravating the entire problem. >
I haven't read much Rothbard in recent decades,
so I find myself wondering: does he--and other
libertarians who maintain this view--argue
equally for the confiscation of inherited wealth?
(Confiscation by whom? I realize this is a
problem in even forming the question, since it
seems so ineluctably... statist. Still.) After
all, the offspring or other parasitical
beneficaries of the dead wealthy are liable to
immediate, continuing and soul-ablating ruin of
the kind, as we have learned from Rothbard, that
destroys the "the virtues of self-reliance and
independence" in welfare recipients.
This is a serious question. The usual responses,
in my experience, ignore that issue and fiercely
defend the "right" of all wealthy humans to
dispose of their (lawfully-acquired) legacies in
whatever way they choose. But do we want to see
wealthy wastrels wrecking their own lives and
squandering wealth that might have been invested
wisely by those instilled with the virtues of
self-reliance and independence? (Or is this
loafing subset of society--the
ParisHiltonariat--too small to bother worrying about?)
Damien Broderick
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