[Paleopsych] Plausible Futures: God, Religion and Tribal Conflict
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4.12.11
EVOLUTIONARY PSYCHOLOGY
PROMETHEUS BOUND There is now enough evidence that modern human
society should be based on an understanding that as long as we are a
tribalistic species, there will be more peace, more prosperity, and
more happiness when nation-states can be formed by similar people.
That is, the homogenous state is far more prone to be beneficial to
human happiness than the discords found in multicultural and diverse
states. This means a rejection of any political universals enforced by
a world body except maybe the notion that to stop conflict, it is best
to just separate the belligerents physically as much as possible. That
is, promote non-aggressive, non-jingoistic nationalismwhere countries
compete in the marketplace of commerce and ideas.
Lately I have read several books on why humans have religion, why
humans are basically irrational, why humans can't differentiate
between what is instrumentally beneficial and what is emotionally
destructive, etc. One thing that does jump out at me when I read these
works dealing with our evolutionary past, is that books can vary in
extremes from just-so stories to well documented hypotheses testing.
Two recent books occupy these extremes: The God Gene: How Faith Is
Hardwired into Our Genes by Dean Hamer (2004), and Genetic and
Cultural Evolution of Cooperation, Edited by Peter Hammerstein (2003).
The God Gene is the just-so story, it has a lot of good information;
however it jumps to some rather silly conclusions from the skimpy
data.
Hamer makes the case that religion is different from what he calls
self-transcendence: religion is what is culturally transmitted, and
one's leaning towards self-transcendence is primarily geneticno god or
religion required; so even the title of the book is misleading. He
does do a good job of showing that self-transcendence may be yet
another behavioral trait that is independent of others that have been
studied, but he does not show that it is independent of cooperation
and/or ethnocentrism. More on this later.
Hamer states that, "Self-transcendence provides a numerical measure of
people's capacity to reach out beyond themselvesto see everything in
the world as part of one great totality. If I were to describe it in a
single word, it might be 'at-one-ness.'" That is, it includes losing
oneself in a common good, feeling like part of something special,
mysticism, etc. The problem with Hamer's perspective however is that
he sees this as a universal goodpeople who are spiritual are somehow
better than people that are more rational. In fact, this book could
be, morally speaking, the flip side of Stanovich's The Robot's
Rebellion, where he calls on people to be more rational and less
mystical.
He reiterates, "Self-transcendence is a term used to describe
spiritual feelings that are independent of traditional religiousness.
It is not based on belief in any particular God, frequency of prayer,
or other orthodox religious doctrines or practices. Instead, it gets
to the heart of spiritual belief: the nature of the universe and our
place in it. Self-transcendent individuals tend to see everything,
including themselves, as part of one great totality. They have a
strong sense of 'at-one-ness'of the connections between people,
places, and things. Non-self-transcendent people, on the other hand,
tend to have a more self-centered viewpoint. They focus on differences
and discrepancies between people, places, and things, rather than
similarities and interrelationships."
Hamer seems to be advocating, though I am not sure he is aware of it,
for what I would merely call tribalism, ethnocentrism, cooperative
human behavior, etc. versus the more independent behavioral types who
are less tribal, more creative, more questioning, and perhaps more
scientific and rational. There seems to be, in some way, a thread of
connectedness between groupishness and independence, and it could be
as easily argued that it is our human groupishness that gets us into
trouble, not our more rational/scientific independence. I don't claim
that there is a clear dichotomy between these two extremes, but
research into altruism, mysticism, ethnocentrism, cooperation,
etc.must be anchored in evolutionary adaptation (unless they are
merely artifacts). In either case, they carry no intrinsic moral value
either way.
For example, Hamer states that:
"These are some of the questions used to assess the second sub-scale
of self-transcendence, known as transpersonal identification. The
hallmark of this trait is a feeling of connectedness to the universe
and everything in itanimate and inanimate, human and nonhuman,
anything and everything that can be seen, heard, smelled, or otherwise
sensed. People who score high for transpersonal identification can
become deeply, emotionally attached to other people, animals, trees,
flowers, streams, or mountains. Sometimes they feel that everything is
part of one living organism.
"Transpersonal identification can lead people to make personal
sacrifices to help othersfor example, by fighting against war,
poverty, or racism. It may inspire people to become environmentalists.
Although there are no formal survey data, it is likely that members of
the Sierra Club and Greenpeace score above average on this facet of
self-transcendence. A drawback of transpersonal identification is that
it can lead to fuzzy-headed idealism that actually hinders rather than
helps the cause.
"Individuals who score low on transpersonal identification feel less
connected to the universe and therefore feel less responsible for what
happens to the world and its inhabitants. They are more concerned
about themselves than about others, more inclined to use nature than
to appreciate it."
Imbedded in the above remarks is an extreme bias for "fuzzy-headed"
idealism as being more beneficial than rational discourse and action.
He makes a wild leap that if a person does not feel connected to the
universe, they are somehow not going to make rational choice decisions
about what is good for themselves and other humans. Now if Hamer could
link free-riders or psychopathic personalities with people who are low
on self-transcendence, then he might have a case that one group may be
more concerned about other people, but he does not do this. Islamic
terrorists probably tend to be mystical rather than merely religious
due to cultureit takes a whole lot of "connectedness" to blow oneself
up over injustices perceived. And most progress when it comes to
science, including all of the health improvements made possible by it,
comes from the minds of the dedicated scientists, not the spiritual
recluse chanting a prayer to reach nirvana. The Western mind, the mind
that is responsible for most of what is science, is practical and less
mystical, and it has reduced a great deal of suffering because of our
scientific progress. I think Stanovich's prognosis of what ails
humanity is far more grounded in facts than Hamer's moralizing.
As Hamer states, people who score low on mysticism are, "more
materialistic and objective. They see an unusual loaf of bread or an
unexpected parking opportunity as nothing more than coincidence. They
don't believe in things that can't be explained scientifically." That
suites me just fine. The more rational humans can becomeeither through
education, genetics, or boththe better we will be able to settle
conflicts. Mysticism is a dead end to answering complex problems.
Part of Hamer's interest in writing this book is to publicize his work
in finding the so-called God-Gene, or VMAT2. This one gene has a
significant impact on the degree of self-transcendence, but other
genes are yet to be found. What interests me as a eugenicist is that
we can now screen for this gene and eliminate it, whereas Hamer would
most likely try to breed for it. In fact, he does go into a great deal
of discussion with regards to assortative mating.
Pointing out that while one's religion is cultural and
self-transcendence is primarily genetic, he notes (as have many
others) that people marry their own kind when it comes to personality
types and chosen religion. In the past, humans typically married
others with the same religion because humans up until recently have
been very parochial. Now however, we are far more mobile and
cosmopolitan, and it seems that rather than the human genome becoming
a melting pot, we will increasingly be more selective in marrying
those who are more like us in terms of intelligence and behavior.
Increasingly, materialists will marry materialists, and spiritualists
will marry spiritualists. Personally, that is one area where I would
not suffer a mate who believed in magic, god, Gaia, or any other
significant level of self-transcendenceit would just be too alien to
me.
Hamer also devotes a chapter to Jewish "cultural practices as genetic
selective forces." I could not quite get a handle on where he was
going with these examples of culturally defined breeding practices,
but it does follow or parallels MacDonald's work on Judaism as a group
evolutionary strategy. This surprised me because he makes no reference
to MacDonald, as if he is unaware of his work. (MacDonald 1994, 1998a,
1998b.)
He also devotes a great deal of time to healing, health, religion and
spiritualism. Nevertheless, ultimately, the only message seems to be
that almost any correlation can be found between how people are
treated and how well they do in terms of health. These stories are as
numerous as they are meaningless in the totality of things. Yes, make
people feel better, more optimistic, less afraid, and they will
probably have a better outcome when it comes to health and happiness.
Alternatively, just get a pet dog or shoot your oppressive boss and
get away with it. Almost anything has an impact on our inner state of
beingunfortunately, most of us can do little to create a personally
blissful life for ourselves without knocking heads with others trying
to do the same. Embracing new age mysticism is not the answer to real
problems that require empirical approaches. Prayer vigils to my
knowledge have never stopped an execution by the state, nor prevented
war.
Hamer then discusses temporal lobe epilepsy, and shows that this
particular form of epilepsy can lead to profound religious experiences
in afflicted people. From this, he and others have extrapolated that
the temporal lobe must be the seat of all mystical experience
(hallucinations) and that even normal people sometimes have temporal
lobe misfirings that cause them to experience miraculous events. This
is an extreme stretch of logic that needs far more research to connect
self-transcendence with a singular area of the brain. (For an
excellent book on Islam and its founder, and the connection with
epilepsy and self-transcendence that leads to terrorism, read The
Sword of the Prophet: IslamHistory, Theology, Impact on the World by
Serge Trifkovic, 2002.)
Hamer tries to support this brain malfunction for spirituality theory:
"Based on this experiment and other lines of evidence, Persinger
believes that the biological basis of all spiritual and mystical
experiences is due to spontaneous firing of the temporoparietal
regionhighly focal microseizures without any obvious motor effects. He
calls such episodes transients and theorizes that they occur in
everybody to some extent. Exactly how often and how strongly is
determined by a mix of genes, environment, and experience. The main
effect of such transients is to increase communication between the
right and left temporoparietal areas, leading to a brief confusion
between the sense of self and the sense of others. The outcome, he
says, is a 'sense of a presence' that people interpret as a God,
spirit, or other mystical being."
He does tell us that 60,000 years ago, there is evidence that
Neanderthal man had religion. He then states, "I believe our genetic
predisposition for faith is no accident. It provides us with a sense
of purpose beyond ourselves and keeps us from being incapacitated by
our dread of mortality. Our faith gives us the optimism to press on
regardless of the hardships we face." This seems to be the sum total
of his explanation for human irrationality and embracing of false
beliefs.
He goes on to mention what decades of research by evolutionary
psychologists now accept: that altruism, human cooperation, acceptance
of group norms (like religion), disgust towards outsiders, blood lust,
patriotism, ethnocentrism, and a host of other human tendencies are
due to group evolutionary strategies. If the tribe were not united
into a tight and cohesive unit, they would be killed or displaced by
other tribes who were more aggressive and united, including a
willingness to die for the group in intertribal warfare.
Then he dismisses this research as impossible: "One popular concept is
that religion helps societies organize and successfully compete
against others. But if such group-level selection were the only
selective force, God genes would probably die out or be limited to
only certain parts of the world, since the necessary conditionshigh
degree of kinship within the group and high degree of competition with
outside groupsare limited to particular geographical areas and certain
historical times. To be a universal facet of our evolution, there must
be additional reasons to account for the persistence of God genes."
The problem with this simplistic explanation is that there is massive
amounts of data that group selection did take place over millions of
years, and even if there were short periods where tribal conflict
and/or tribal cooperation was absent or minimal, such periods were
short in duration and were the exception. Evolution is slow, and such
short respites from conflict and/or cooperation would not have altered
human behavior (below I will discuss new research about tribal
conflict leading to cooperative behaviors).
Hamer finishes the book with a chapter on Jewish cultural practices,
explains that Jews have maintained their racial separation, and today
they continue to be closer genetically to Arabs. He claims that the
racial separation between Jews and those they lived among was due to
Jewish religious culture, which is what has been put forth by Kevin
MacDonald and includes an analysis of Jewish genetic frequencies for
xenophobia, high intelligence, as well as other behavioral traits
(again gene-culture coevolution). However, he then claims that Jews
were allowed to assimilate into the surrounding gentile cultures, but
gentiles were not allowed into the Jewish faith, and this was due to
Jews being discriminated against! Now that is a strange twist of
logic, and a bit simplistic to say the least. Conflicts between Jews
and gentiles have been a 3,000 year ordeal, it is complex, and it is
ever changing. To dismiss assimilation because "people don't like us"
seems rather sophomoric.
Gene-Culture Coevolution In contrast to Hamer's book, Genetic and
Cultural Evolution of Cooperation came out of the 90th Dahlem Workshop
held in Berlin, Germany in 2002. I only stumbled upon two paragraphs
that deviated from scientific objectivity. With contributions by
numerous researchers in evolutionary psychology, had it been read by
Hamer, his book would have been far more empirical with less utopian
dreaming.
For decades, group selection has been downplayed, primarily because
humans were lumped in with other organisms, and the model just did not
work out. Simply stated, after further review, since humans have an
evolved language, we have also evolved oddities like altruism and or
cooperation, as well as religion and irrationality. With language came
a host of evolutionary artifacts that other organisms do not have to
deal with. In fact, the only explanation for such extreme forms of
human behavior such as universal altruism, feeling one-with-the-earth,
suicide bombers, and serial killers is to look at how language and
culture coevolved to insert a great deal of human emotion into what
makes us do what we do, even to our own detriment.
One of the fundamental principles of evolutionary psychology (EP) is
the assumption that during the environment of evolutionary adaptation
(EEA), humans everywhere faced similar ecologies and therefore we all
evolved in roughly the same way. On the other hand, behavior or
quantitative genetics looks at the differences between people and
between races, with the understanding that humans in different parts
of the world and under varying degrees of ecological change and
cultural differences, adapted in differing ways. This book seems to be
just barely breaking through the simplistic EP assumption of a single
universal human mind, though the evidence for diversity in behavior
has been evident to even pre-scientific man.
Now for the problem: people often act in a way that is harmful to them
in order to fulfill some inner need or emotion. We have evolved to do
the irrational. The list here is endless but includes giving spare
change to beggars and blowing oneself up for a nation or religion.
Humans can span the extremes from indifference to extreme outrage at
transgressors of norms and/or values adopted by the group. Likewise,
the group is very malleable and changingthough this was not the case
10,000 years ago. The challenge is to try to fit together our
irrational moral outrages of today with evolved human emotions from
our commonand often racially uniquepasts.
Daniel M.T. Fessler and Kevin J. Haley state that "We have suggested
that guilt and righteousness facilitate the formation and preservation
of cooperative relationships. However, not all cooperative
relationships are worthwhile. In some cases, the benefits of defection
exceed the benefits of cooperation. In a world without emotions that
function to preserve cooperative relationships, steep time discounting
alone would lead to high rates of defection. However, the existence of
relationship-preserving emotions creates a situation in which it may
be advantageous to mark explicitly individuals who have little of
value to offer the actor. We suggest that contempt is the emotion
accompanying exactly such an evaluation. By highlighting the low value
of the other individual, contempt predisposes the actor to either (a)
avoid establishing a relationship, (b) establish a relationship on
highly unequal (i.e., exploitative) grounds, or (c) defect on an
existing relationship. Consistent with the low valuation of the other,
contempt seems to preclude the experience of prosocial emotions in the
event that the actor is able to exploit the partner, apparently by
framing the harm as merited."
This is an interesting insight, and yet I doubt if the authors
understand its universal implications. Just as individuals within
groups may find others contemptible, it is even more prevalent in
group conflicts. In diverse societies where different ethnic groups
mingle, contempt for the other is rampant, even though most states
take extraordinary measures reduce tensions. When groups react like
individuals howeverinstituting avoidance, exploitation, or defectionit
is seen as somehow immoral. In reality however, these are just
emotions that any one individual can have from one extreme to the
other. One person becomes an anti-racist (universal moralist) and
attacks their own race in favor of another, while the race realist
faces the certainty that benevolence towards others may not be
reciprocated in kind.
But I digress, as the point of this book is to explain the process of
punishment coupled with cooperation. Ernst Fehr and Joseph Henrich
state that, "Strong reciprocity means that people willingly repay
gifts and punish the violation of cooperation and fairness norms even
in anonymous one-shot encounters with genetically unrelated strangers.
This chapter provides ethnographic and experimental evidence
suggesting that ultimate theories of kin selection, reciprocal
altruism, costly signaling, and indirect reciprocity do not provide
satisfactory evolutionary explanations of strong reciprocity. The
problem with these theories is that they can rationalize strong
reciprocity only if it is viewed as maladaptive behavior, whereas the
evidence suggests that it is an adaptive trait. Thus, alternative
evolutionary approaches are needed to provide ultimate accounts of
strong reciprocity."
Strong reciprocators are the "do-gooders" or the "berserkers" both.
That is whether I am a suicide bomber in Iraq, or a missionary healing
the sick in Somalia, it is the same behavior that has to be explained.
Why would anyone give up so much for so little in return, in terms of
evolutionary fitness? That is, humans do very peculiar things when it
comes to altruism, cooperation, taking revenge, etc. To really
understand how this takes place and what it means, I think one has to
play games with themselves on a rational level. I started slowly doing
that years ago when I first came upon questions of rationality and
behavior.
It goes something like this: next time you eat at a diner where you
will probably never return, how much of a tip will you leave? What
organizations will you give to, any that you are really againstlike
the United Way but the corporation pressures you to "participate?" If
someone needs help, how do you react? I have found that by being
rational I can modify some of my behavior but in other areas I prefer
the feeling of "doing the right thing" or feeling "self righteous." I
will over-tip the cabby; I will give large tips to movers who deliver
my new stove; I will buy a ticket at an event from some pest at work
just to keep the peace and my image in tact. At the same time, when
asked by a Costco clerk if I would like to donate a dollar to a
children's hospital I said no! He said "it was only a dollar and for a
good cause," as I rebutted, "I do not like to be hustled by
corporations trying to make themselves look good."
To get inside of the extremes from self-serving behavior (bordering on
psychopathy) to extreme kinship resource acquisition (families
fighting over an uncle's inheritance), to universal moralism
(missionaries and suicide bombers), to the passive individual that
merely follows the rules but doesn't really take much notice of
anything (I'd rather be fishing), we have to understand the complex
emotions that evolved to drive us into behavioral niches. Virtually
all humans are coalition builders, at least passively by getting along
by going along with some groups while being antagonistic against
others. But there are behavioral differences in the way that
individuals react to group members.
Some people are moral enforcers, and will take action to punish
non-cooperators even at their own expense. Others will punish
non-cooperators only when they need to, while yet others will shirk
their duty to "act morally" within the group. As Ernst Fehr and Joseph
Henrich put it, "Hence, within-group selection creates evolutionary
pressures against strong reciprocity [moral enforcers] because strong
reciprocators engage in individually costly behaviors that benefit the
whole group. In contrast, between-group selection favors strong
reciprocity because groups with disproportionately many strong
reciprocators are better able to survive. The consequence of these two
evolutionary forces is that in equilibrium, strong reciprocators and
purely selfish humans coexist. This logic applies to genes, cultural
traits, or both in an interactive process. Thus, this approach
provides a logically rigorous argument as to why we observe
heterogeneous responses in laboratory experiments."
What is showing up over and over again in the behavioral sciences is
the recognition that unlike most organisms, humans with their language
ability can enforce group conforming behavior that sets up our
in-group/out-group nature. We compete with each other within the
group, but we also have a fiercely embraced sense of belonging to a
group for protection from other groups as well as advancement for our
group against other groups. Originally, this was only the tribal
group, but humans have such a strong attachment to tribalistic
affiliations that it can now be artificially created through
indoctrination on almost any level, from patriotism to religious
adherence, to terrorist cells.
This may not seem like such an important observation, but only a few
years ago group-level evolutionary selection was dismissed as
impossible. As such, we could not come to grips with human behavior
that was irrational in terms of selection pressures on only
individuals and their genes. This meant that universals like racism,
ethnocentrism, xenophobia, and social dominance were dismissed as
social constructs that could just be adjudicated away by our wise
leaders. (Our leaders still use the old paradigms that are rapidly
being replaced in the behavioral sciences.)
Peter J. Richerson, Robert T. Boyd, and Joseph Henrich state that
"These successive rounds of coevolutionary change continued until
eventually people were equipped with capacities for cooperation with
distantly related people, emotional attachments to symbolically marked
groups, and a willingness to punish others for transgression of group
rules. Mechanisms by which cultural institutions might exert forces
tugging in this direction are not far to seek. People are likely to
discriminate against genotypes that are incapable of conforming to
cultural norms. People who cannot control their self-serving
aggression ended up exiled or executed in small-scale societies and
imprisoned in contemporary ones. People whose social skills embarrass
their families will have a hard time attracting mates. Of course,
selfish and nepotistic impulses were never entirely suppressed; our
genetically transmitted evolved psychology shapes human cultures, and
as a result cultural adaptations often still serve the ancient
imperatives of inclusive genetic fitness. However, cultural evolution
also creates new selective environments that build cultural
imperatives into our genes."
It is also now observed that our new advanced technological culture
will push genetic changes in our behavioral and cognitive repertoires.
50,000 years ago, humans lived in small tribes, only occasionally went
to war with their neighbors, sometimes committing genocide while
taking the women for mating. This fusion and fissuring of genotypes
was slow compared to the options we have today for rapid changes in
our genes. From preimplantation diagnostics to select against genetic
disease, to mass extinction of whole nations from either conventional
or nuclear weapons is now possible. From the turmoil of rapid social
change will come rapid genetic change:
"Contemporary human societies differ drastically from the societies in
which our social instincts evolved. Pleistocene hunter-gatherer
societies were comparatively small, egalitarian, and lacking in
powerful institutionalized leadership. By contrast, modern societies
are large, inegalitarian, and have coercive leadership institutions.
If the social instincts hypothesis is correct, our innate social
psychology furnishes the building blocks for the evolution of complex
social systems, while simultaneously constraining the shape of these
systems. To evolve large-scale, complex social systems, cultural
evolutionary processes, driven by cultural group selection, take
advantage of whatever support these instincts offer. For example,
families willingly take on the essential roles of biological
reproduction and primary socialization, reflecting the ancient and
still powerful effects of selection at the individual and kin level.
At the same time, cultural evolution must cope with a psychology
evolved for life in quite different sorts of societies. Appropriate
larger-scale institutions must regulate the constant pressure from
smaller groups (coalitions, cabals, cliques) to subvert rules favoring
large groups. To do this cultural evolution often makes use of
'work-arounds.' It mobilizes the tribal instincts for new purposes.
For example, large national and international (e.g., great religions)
institutions develop ideologies of symbolically marked inclusion that
often fairly successfully engage the tribal instincts on a much larger
scale." (Peter J. Richerson, Robert T. Boyd, and Joseph Henrich)
There is now enough evidence that modern human society should be based
on an understanding that as long as we are a tribalistic species,
there will be more peace, more prosperity, and more happiness when
nation-states can be formed by similar people. That is, the homogenous
state is far more prone to be beneficial to human happiness than the
discords found in multicultural and diverse states. This means a
rejection of any political universals enforced by a world body except
maybe the notion that to stop conflict, it is best to just separate
the belligerents physically as much as possible. That is, promote
non-aggressive, non-jingoistic nationalismwhere countries compete in
the marketplace of commerce and ideas.
--- Matt Nuenke, December 2004.
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