[Paleopsych] Book World: (Tho. Friedman) The Great Leveling
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The Great Leveling
http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A17314-2005Mar31?
5.4.3
Reviewed by Warren Bass
THE WORLD IS FLAT
A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century
By Thomas L. Friedman. Farrar Straus Giroux. 488 pp. $27.50
On a modern-day passage to India, Thomas L. Friedman, the foreign
affairs columnist for the New York Times, found himself chatting in
Bangalore with a young, slight, mustachioed videogame-company CEO
named Rajesh Rao. "India is going to be a superpower," Rao said,
gushing about a new economic era that makes the globe into one massive
marketplace, "and we are going to rule." But rule whom? Friedman
asked. Rao laughed. "It's not about ruling anybody," he admitted.
"That's the point. There is nobody to rule anymore."
Rao's enthusiasm about the changing rules of international commerce
and politics today -- about whether there's anything left to rule in a
brave new world of globalization -- underscores the virtues and vices
of Friedman's captivating and sometimes frustrating new book. The
World Is Flat continues the franchise Friedman has made for himself as
a great explicator of and cheerleader for globalization, building upon
his 1999 The Lexus and the Olive Tree. Like its predecessor, this book
showcases Friedman's gift for lucid dissections of abstruse economic
phenomena, his teacher's head, his preacher's heart, his genius for
trend-spotting and his sometimes maddening inability to take himself
out of the frame. It also shares some of the earlier volume's
excitement (mirroring Rajesh Rao's) and hesitations about whether
we're still living in an era dominated by old-fashioned states or in a
postmodern, globalized era where states matter far less and the
principal engine of change is a leveled playing field for
international trade.
What complicates this further is, of course, 9/11. If the idea of
globalization filled a conceptual void in the formless 1990s -- the
editors of Foreign Affairs magazine wrote in 1997 that "the overall
theme of the 1990s is that there is no overall theme to the 1990s" --
the shock of al Qaeda's assault yanked early-21st-century geopolitics
back to worries about security. In The World Is Flat, Friedman rejoins
the debate over what's really driving world politics, but he does not
come out where readers of his eloquent columns on the challenges of
defeating bin Ladenism might expect; instead, he argues that "the most
important force shaping global economics and politics in the early
twenty-first century" is not the admittedly important war on terrorism
but a "triple convergence -- of new players, on a new playing field,
developing new processes and habits for horizontal collaboration."
Friedman writes that the world is now entering the era of
"Globalization 3.0," following Globalization 1.0, which ran from 1492
until 1800 and was driven by countries' sheer brawn, and Globalization
2.0, in which "the key agent of change, the dynamic force driving
global integration, was multinational companies" driven to look abroad
for markets and labor, spurred by industrial-age "breakthroughs in
hardware" such as steamships, trains, phones and computers. That epoch
ended around 2000, replaced by one in which individuals are the main
agents doing the globalizing, pushed by "not horsepower, and not
hardware, but software" and a "global fiber-optic network that has
made us all next-door neighbors." If the first two eras were driven
mostly by Europeans and Americans, the third is open to "every color
of the human rainbow."
In particular, Friedman is obsessed with one of the great economic
phenomena of our day: the outsourcing of the U.S. economy's service
and information-technology work to India, China and elsewhere. The
reason that Indian accounting firms are expected to do about 400,000
American tax returns this year, that small U.S. hospitals have their
CAT scans read in the wee hours by Indian or Australian radiologists
known as the "Nighthawks," or that the Chinese port city of Dalian is
taking outsourced work from its former imperial masters in Japan,
Friedman argues, is that the world is undergoing "one of those
fundamental changes -- like the rise of the nation-state or the
Industrial Revolution" -- that transform the roles of individuals,
governments and societies. The world was flattened, he writes, by 10
forces, including the fall of the Berlin Wall and the discrediting of
Soviet-style command economies; the 1995 Netscape IPO, which opened up
the Internet for easy browsing; the dot-com era overinvestment in the
fiber-optic cables that such globalizing hubs as Bangalore and
Shenzhen, China, rely upon to cheaply transmit data around the planet;
search engines like Google, most of whose queries are now no longer in
English; and such flat-world "steroids" as PalmPilots, tiny laptops
and the wireless technology that lets one of Friedman's colleagues
merrily e-mail from aboard a Japanese bullet train. "The 'hot line,'
which used to connect the Kremlin with the White House," Friedman
writes, "has been replaced by the 'help line,' which connects everyone
in America to call centers in Bangalore."
Even as these forces leveled the playing field, Friedman notes, some 3
billion people were rushing onto it -- from China, India, the former
Soviet Union and other countries whose economies had thrown off
socialism or self-defeating insularism. As American politicians were
letting the country's scientific and engineering base erode and
peddling protectionist myths, the global economy was being "shaped
less by the ponderous deliberations of finance ministers and more by
the spontaneous explosion of energy" from eager Indian and Chinese
entrepreneurs.
Friedman offers an engrossing tour of Flat World, but he sometimes
overestimates its novelty. For starters, the glee of Globalization
3.0's players at the prospect of a seemingly borderless world is
hardly new. "Merchants have no country," Jefferson wrote in 1814. "The
mere spot they stand on does not constitute so strong an attachment as
that from which they draw their gains." Similarly, Friedman is right
that China might now be more leery about attacking high-tech Taiwan
for fear of snarling international trade and manufacturing lines,
giving the island its so-called silicon shield. But his puckishly
named Dell Theory of Conflict Prevention -- "No two countries that are
both part of a major global supply chain, like Dell's, will ever fight
a war against each other as long as they are both part of the same
global supply chain" -- skates past the fact that potential
belligerents have always weighed the economic costs of war, often with
breathtaking inaccuracy. (Saddam Hussein thought gobbling up Kuwait in
August 1990 would let him dominate the world oil market, not shatter
his army and usher in a decade of crippling sanctions.) And the
argument that trade inhibits belligerence dates back at least to Kant.
Friedman also does not have a compelling rebuttal for Harvard's
Michael Sandel, who calls Flat World's new horizontal collaboration
"just a nice name for the ability to hire cheap labor in India." For
instance, Indian techies had the manpower and ambition to do the
"huge, tedious job" of fixing the West's Y2K computer bug, giving
India a surge of IT business that Friedman calls "a second Indian
Independence Day." But India's Y2K windfall could be read just as
easily as a sign of dependence, of reliance on tasks that American
workers no longer want. Friedman rightly notes that "low-wage,
low-prestige jobs in America . . . become high-wage, high-prestige
jobs" when outsourced to India. But in an era where, as Friedman puts
it, both pride and humiliation get served up to you via fiber-optic
cable, it's not at all clear we'll like the long-term geopolitical
consequences of having emerging powers reliant on scraps from the
American economic table.
Friedman's evangelism never entirely allays the suspicion that "the
single most important trend in the world today" is actually the empty
half of the glass. In a sense, The World Is Flat serves as a sort of
bookend to this spring's other blockbuster economics book, Jeffrey D.
Sachs's The End of Poverty, which angrily notes that some 20,000
people die unnecessarily every day from starvation and diseases like
malaria while the developed world fiddles. Much of the world is indeed
flat -- flat broke. "You cannot drive economic growth," Friedman
acknowledges, "in a place where 50 percent of the people are infected
with malaria or half of the kids are malnourished or a third of the
mothers are dying of AIDS."
And then there's 9/11. "The flat world -- unfortunately -- is a friend
of both Infosys and al-Qaeda," Friedman writes, since both rely on the
imaginative use of the Internet and global supply chains and since
both are super-empowered by a flatter playing field magnifying the
importance of individuals and groups. Fair enough, but why does Rajesh
Rao matter more than Osama bin Laden, the Lexus more than the olive
tree, flat-world globalization more than the far-flung struggle with
jihadism that Friedman himself has likened to World War III? He
doesn't quite say. As one would expect from the author of the
brilliant From Beirut to Jerusalem, his treatment of 9/11 and Middle
Eastern issues is insightful and deeply informed, but it doesn't
convincingly settle the question of whether global trade or global
terror is our age's central organizing principle. If al Qaeda ever
buys, builds or steals even a small nuclear bomb -- taking advantage
of the Bush administration's leisurely belief that America can afford
to wait until sometime after 2008 to secure poorly guarded Russian
nuclear weapons and material -- the surging growth of the Indian and
Chinese entrepreneurial classes may seem largely of academic interest.
While The World Is Flat is not a classic like From Beirut to
Jerusalem, it is still an enthralling read. To his great credit,
Friedman embraces much of his flat world's complexity, and his
reporting brings to vibrant life some beguiling characters and trends.
If his book is marred by an exasperating reliance on the first person
and a surplus of catch phrases (" 'Friedman,' I said to myself,
looking at this scene, 'you are so twentieth-century. . . . You are so
Globalization 2.0' "), it is also more lively, provocative and
sophisticated than the overwhelming bulk of foreign policy commentary
these days. We've no real idea how the 21st century's history will
unfold, but this terrifically stimulating book will certainly inspire
readers to start thinking it all through. o
Warren Bass is a senior editor at Book World and a former member of
the 9/11 Commission staff. He is the author of "Support Any Friend:
Kennedy's Middle East and the Making of the U.S.-Israel Alliance,"
which was recently released in paperback.
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