[Paleopsych] New Criterion: Paul R. Gross: Exorcising sociobiology
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Paul R. Gross: Exorcising sociobiology
http://www.newcriterion.com/archive/19/feb01/pgross.htm
From The New Criterion Vol. 19, No. 6, February 2001
Innocents imagine that universities, the names of many of whose
departments include "science" (as in social science), do not perform
exorcisms. That is a mistake. Today, universities are among the
busiest sites for the practice of intellectual exorcism. Ask any
current student to define "investigate": you will get the definition
for "indict." The latest outbreak of academic exorcism comes to us
from anthropology. At issue are the Yanomamö, a stone-age, indigenous
people of the Amazon rain forest. The current repellent effort rests
on postmodern scripture: the idea that science is just window-dressing
for Western hubris and colonialism.
Thirty years ago the distinction between technical disagreements and
moral-political warfare began to dissolve. A whole generation of
students and teachers became convinced that everything, including
scientific inquiry, is inextricably political because knowledge itself
was inextricably a social --i.e., a political--phenomenon. Politics,
meanwhile, is a matter too important for niceties. The Berkeley
anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes exemplified these enthusiasms when
she demanded from her colleagues, in 1995, a "militant anthropology,"
the education of a
new cadre of "barefoot anthropologists" that I envision must become
alarmists and shock troopers--the producers of politically
complicated and morally demanding texts and images capable of
sinking through the layers of acceptance, complicity, and bad faith
that allow the suffering and the deaths to continue.
The excuses for such self-righteousness are manifold: a concern for
virtue, the environment, racism, sexism, imperialism . . . the list is
endless. The capo-exorcists are professors; the soldiers are students,
junior faculty, and journalists. Self-criticism is a rarity. "Critical
theory," Marxist or postmodern, is about bad people--i.e., other
people--never about oneself. The assassins believe themselves just, in
public and in their hearts. This makes them political ruffians and
intellectual terrorists, and academic terrorism is what we will see in
the Yanomamö affair. But the thing is not new: there have been
precedent demon-hunts in the last few decades. It is important first
to recall their origins.
In the summer of 1975, E. O. Wilson, the distinguished Harvard
zoologist, published Sociobiology: The New Synthesis. This was a work
of exemplary scientific scholarship, a weaving together of threads
from many biological subdisciplines. In some of those Wilson was
himself already a leader: population biology, ecology, evolution,
animal behavior. He was the authority on an enormous group of social
animals: the ants. His purpose was to show that results and methods
were already sufficient for a systematic account of animal social
behavior and for expanded new research on the hard science of it.
Scores of qualified readers quickly gave praise and had no qualms
about the closing chapter, in which Wilson extrapolated from his
findings to speculate about human social behavior. He was laying out a
program for future research, as well as recording achievements. No
serious scientist denies that humans are at least animals. This part
of Sociobiology was clearly more sowing than reaping, defining what
should be meant henceforth by that word. Then, suddenly, came an
earthquake of highly public denunciation, spreading from the Harvard
epicenter, which only now has been properly chronicled. Ullica
Segerstråle's impressive new book, Defenders of the Truth: The Battle
for Science in the Sociology Debate and Beyond, [3][1] gives an
excellent account of what has come to be called the "sociobiology
controversy." Although Segerstråle is a sociologist, she has taken the
trouble to comprehend fully the science she writes about. It is worth
noting, however, that the "battle" she writes about is really a case
of academic assassination, not an argument over philosophy of science.
Segerstråle has attempted to provide "a view through the keyhole" to
the inner workings of science and the means by which it changes. This
scants the blatant politics of the attack she chronicles, emphasizing
instead intellectual conflicts and alliances, opposed epistemologies,
and different cognitive styles. But the real battle over sociobiology
today is not an intellectual battle. It is a political battle, a
moral--or rather a moralistic--crusade. Among the newest victims of
this crusade are the late "father of human genetics," James V. Neel,
and the renowned anthropologist Napoleon A. Chagnon. But to understand
the attacks against them, we must return to E. O. Wilson and the
charges made against him in 1975.
Wilson seems to have been unaware of the full political implications
of his final chapter. A respected member of the Cambridge
(Massachusetts) community of able, ambitious, mostly leftish
academics, he considered himself a good liberal on social issues. But
he was and is, as Segerstråle notes, an energetic scientific planter
as well as a weeder. He saw no more harm in deploying biology in the
study of human behavior than in the study of ants or chimpanzees.
Insistence upon absolute animal-human discontinuity is, after all,
reversion at least to eighteenth-century pop-theology. In The Hub? In
1975? Never!
But Wilson had not been paying attention to the ideological storm
clouds that had been gathering. Biology-phobia in the social sciences
is a very old story, but from the end of World War II there was
renewed fury on the academic left to expunge all vestiges of the idea
that human behavior and sociality are, even in small part, products of
our evolution (and hence of our genes). The reasons for this are easy
to see. There was, first of all, a justified fear and hatred of Nazi
eugenics. But there were also the increasingly vociferous demands for
preferences and quotas for "minorities"-- including women (an honorary
minority who form a majority of the population)-- because of prior
racism or sexism. There was also the insistence on the West's moral
inferiority to the Soviet "experiment" and to the Third World, a
fixation upon capitalist-colonial wrongdoing, and the cultural
excellences of the wronged "Other."
The belief that "everything is political" implies that every problem
can be fixed by political action. Biology introduces a few doubts to
these believers and is therefore at best a diversion and at worst an
enemy. The attack on so-called "biological determinism" that is part
and parcel of the regnant social-science mentality today really
involves a blanket rejection of any significant biological
contribution to human performance or behavior. (Note, too, that the
term "biological determinism" is a calumny: no serious scientist
believes that biology-- heredity?--"determines," that is fixes, human
behavior.) Instead of human nature, the champions of
everything-is-political present us with the spectacle of an infinitely
malleable potentiality. This idea is, of course, hardly new. It has
been an important component of utopian thought for centuries. It
figures prominently in the ideas of Karl Marx, for example, who
insisted that it is not man's consciousness that makes social life,
but society that makes consciousness. Thus, according to Marxists,
social thought is the "Master Science." Hence, there is not only
Marxist economics but also Marxist everything, including correct
(Marxist) science. To have been an academic in the 1970s and to have
been unaware of this was naïve; to have called upon biology, even if
only as an aid to understanding culture, was a crime. It was this
crime with which Wilson was charged. Segerstråle reports that
In November 1975, a group called the Sociobiology Study Group,
composed of professors, students, researchers, and others from the
Boston area, launched an attack on Wilson's Sociobiology. . . . The
first public statement by this group was a letter in The New York
Review of Books. . . . The dramatic nature of this letter lay not
only in its strong language, but also in the fact that among the
co-signers could be found the names of some of Wilson's colleagues,
working in the same department at Harvard, particularly Richard C.
Lewontin and Stephen J. Gould.
And of what was E. O. Wilson accused? Well, of bad science, of course,
but also of being a friend of racism, sexism, and even genocide.
Segerstråle notes that
Wilson was presented as an ideologue supporting the status quo as
an inevitable consequence of human nature, because of his interest
in establishing the central traits of a genetically controlled
human nature.
The Sociobiology Study Group merged with the New Left's Science For
The People and attracted and recruited support from other radical-left
fraternities such as the Committee Against Racism (CAR). In due course
CAR members attacked Wilson-- once physically--hounding and shouting
him down in public. Although the shouting has abated, the slurs have
never really ended. Meanwhile, Wilson has gone on to win every honor
and international prize available to a scientist of his interests, and
steadily to publish important new work far outside the field of
sociobiology.
But the artillery still growls by night. There are now a few real
scientific issues. The descendant of sociobiology flourishes --an
interdisciplinary field for anthropologists, psychologists, cognitive
scientists, geneticists, even economists--but it no longer calls
itself "sociobiology." In an attempt to purchase immunity from
stink-bombs, it calls itself "evolutionary psychology." Segerstråle's
attempt to make an epistemology of the continuing debate fails:
In any case, the lack of . . . [a genuine] . . . scientific
critique was only temporary: soon Gould and Lewontin changed their
strategy and went full steam ahead with various scientific attacks
on sociobiology. Arguably, though, Gould and Lewontin's new focus
on the field's scientific shortcomings was not a real substitute
for the continuing lack of genuinely scientific critique. In their
writings, these two Harvard critics never quite abandoned their
original moral/political condemnation of sociobiology.
Nor have they and their followers abandoned it yet. There are new
assassins and targets. The "scientific" objections take this form:
sociobiology cannot be good science because data-gathering or
theorizing insensitive to the harm it might do victim-groups is ipso
facto bad science. This impresses the young, the aged New Left, and
other philosophical naïfs. But it is tautologic nonsense. There is no
connection between quality of inquiry and decorousness of result.
More: a possible role for biology in human behavior implies that
political action alone might not change everything for the better. For
the political engagé, that is absolute heresy.
Terence S. Turner is a professor of anthropology at Cornell. He has
studied Amazonian indigenes. So has Chagnon, though he has been
immensely more successful (by the standard measures of recognition). A
self-identified political anthropologist and defender of human rights,
Turner abhors "sociobiology" and has for years denounced it and
Chagnon. For him it is vicious, rightist, reductionist. He is a vocal
enemy of Chagnon, who thinks (and writes) that human evolution can
help explain some of our doings, including--horror of horrors--our
aggression. Leslie E. Sponsel, a professor of anthropology at the
University of Hawaii, also specializing in "peace studies," shares
Turner's hostility to sociobiology, indeed toward science in
anthropology generally. These two represent the "cultural" ("social"
in the U.K.) branch of the subject, which has in many places divorced
itself from physical anthropology. Stanford University, for example,
has separate departments.
In September 2000, Turner and Sponsel wrote a five-page e-mail to the
president and president-elect of the American Anthropological
Association. Somehow, this epistle was immediately sent on to many
others in the field; overnight it was made public on the internet. No
word describes it better than "hysterical." "We write to inform you,"
it begins,
of an impending scandal that will affect the American
anthropological profession. . . . In its scale, ramifications, and
sheer criminality and corruption it is unparalleled in the history
of anthropology. . . . This nightmarish story-- a real
anthropological heart of darkness beyond the imagining even of a
Joseph Conrad (although not, perhaps, a Josef Mengele)-- will be
seen (rightly in our view) . . . as putting the whole discipline on
trial.
Turner and Sponsel had just seen proofs, they averred, of a book by
Patrick Tierney, an investigative journalist, called Darkness in El
Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon. This
book contains horrifying revelations about which they, ostensibly
fearing for their colleagues, are sounding the alarm.
There is something wrong with these claims. Turner and Sponsel seem to
have known Tierney and about this book for a long time before they saw
proofs. Tierney thanks Turner in the book for his help. They are both
also on record citing prior versions of Tierney's claims. But never
mind that. Their tocsin: publication is imminent; Darkness was about
to be excerpted in The New Yorker. (It was also in fact a candidate
for the National Book Award.) [4][2]
What does Tierney charge? Well, I proceed from the ridiculous to the
defamatory: Chagnon was a draft-dodger; he exploits ethnographic
studies among the Yanomamö for his, but not their, profit; he is
careless of human rights; he is a right-wing ideologue, out to make
sociobiological points; he faked the Yanomamö fierceness made famous
in his ethnography; thirty years ago, he joined the American medical
geneticist (and physician and co-investigator, with Japanese
colleagues, of the genetic consequences of the atomic bomb) James V.
Neel in inoculating the Yanomamö with a "virulent" vaccine in order to
induce a measles epidemic, thereby testing sociobiological and
"eugenic" theories; and, finally, that Neel was a right-wing
eugenicist, who performed illegal radiation experiments on the
Yanomamö for the Atomic Energy Commission (now the Department of
Energy). Most of this was supposed to have taken place in 1968. And it
is only a partial list of the charges.
The media jumped. Before anybody had seen even The New Yorker piece,
let alone the book, a full-blown character assassination was underway,
with no epistemological quibbling to confuse the audience. In England,
The Guardian's headline read "Scientist `Killed Amazon Indians to Test
Race Theory'" The publisher had obviously never allowed the manuscript
to be read by reviewers competent to evaluate the evidence--not even
those from the institutions where all the facts lay open for
examination: the Universities of Michigan and California at Santa
Barbara; the National Academy of Sciences (Dr. Neel was a member); the
Department of Energy; and the federal vaccine safety and distribution
agencies. Turner and Sponsel also arranged a suitable denouement: the
national meeting of their association was scheduled for mid-November,
2000, in San Francisco.
The writers, both emeritus members of the Committee for Human
Rights, have arranged . . . that the Open Forum put on by the
Committee this year be devoted to the Yanomami case. This seemed
the best way to provide a public venue for a public airing of the
scandal, given that the program is of course already closed. . . .
[W]e have invited Patrick Tierney to come to the Meetings and to be
present at the Forum. [emphasis added]
Things did not turn out as expected. Serious scholars, of whom some
remain even in cultural anthropology (with more in adjacent fields),
read The New Yorker piece. They got hold, with difficulty, of original
proof-copies of the book. And then all hell broke loose.
Tierney's "investigative reporting"--he claims to have given it ten
years, some in the Amazon--is a tissue of misrepresentation,
scientific ignorance, and groundless insinuation. The book is densely
"documented," but, among the five-thousand notes, many refer to
informants who can't be checked, most others to known enemies of
Chagnon or to locals in Brazil and Venezuela who are in fact
exploiters. Citations of documents or conversations say the opposite
of what is in the documents, or of what the interviewees report
independently. The entire "induced" epidemic story, central to
Tierney's bill of indictment, is part innuendo and part gross
incomprehension of the science. Turner was forced to withdraw publicly
his endorsement of that part of Darkness in El Dorado. There were also
no "illegal radiation experiments."
What of Dr. Neel's racist "eugenics?" It is clear from their comments
that none of the three--Messrs. Tierney, Turner, Sponsel-- knows what
"eugenics" means. It looks as though Mr. Tierney was unaware that Dr.
Neel, a physician as well as a scientist, had advice and assistance,
in his effort to abort an existing measles epidemic among the
Yanomamö, from the world's best sources. Neel's lifelong
commitment--and great success--was in fact to defeating "eugenics"!
All this is recorded--even, thanks to the aroused institutions, on the
internet. The "draft-dodger" charge against Chagnon is simple slander.
By the time The New Yorker extract appeared, Tierney had muffled some
of its most outrageous claims--in language but not intent. Old proof
copies of the book were out, and it was clear whence the backing-down
was being done. The book, as published, uses still weaker language,
reduced in many places to mere innuendo. But the tendentiousness is
unremitting. No longer, for example, does Tierney invoke crazy
sociobiological experiments and an induced epidemic. Instead, he is
content with statements like this:
The Venezuelan Yanomami experienced the greatest disease pressure
in their history during a 1968 measles epidemic. The epidemic
started from the same village where the geneticist James Neel had
scientists inoculate the Yanomami with a live virus that had proven
safe for healthy American children but was known to be dangerous
for immune-compromised people. The epidemic seemed to track the
movements of the investigators.
The virus was not "live" in the trivial sense. The vaccine used by
Neel was the standard attenuated (a process first systematized by
Louis Pasteur) virus preparation, multiple millions of doses of which
had and have been given around the world, not just to "healthy
American children." Among the millions of vaccinations, known serious
consequences number three, all in children with prior severe
immunodeficiency disease. The vaccine Neel and Chagnon obtained was
the best available at the time; no vaccine was available for measles
before 1963. The creation of effective antiviral vaccines was one of
the great biomedical achievements of the twentieth century. The
measles vaccine was developed by Dr. Samuel L. Katz (a distinguished
Duke pediatrician) and Nobelist John Enders, inter alii. Dr. Katz has
quietly shown since the scandal broke that the Tierney charges are
nonsense. There is no case on record of such a vaccine ever having
transmitted measles. Better vaccines are available today, but this was
thirty years ago.
That so delicious a story could be a complete fiction may seem
unlikely, but then, many otherwise normal people think that
Hollywood's version of the Kennedy assassination was a courageous
exposé. Believers in vast right-wing conspiracies can get, however, a
proper account of the measles epidemic from a long letter by William
J. Oliver, M.D. (retired Chairman of Pediatrics at the University of
Michigan), which dissects the Tierney/Turner/Sponsel account point by
point. It is available online, in company with much related material,
from the University of Michigan ([5]www.umich.
edu/~urel/Darkness/oliver.html).
This, with the dozens of other contributions from competent physicians
and scientists, pushed Turner to recant his passionate endorsement of
both Tierney's early and then-weakened stories of the Yanomamö measles
epidemic. In an e-mail response to Katz on September 28, 2000, Turner
excuses himself and Sponsel, and at the same time abandons Tierney, as
follows:
[W]e did set about doing our best to check on its more shocking
allegations. . . . One of the authorities we consulted was Dr.
Peter Aaby, a well-known medical anthropologist and member of the
Scandinavian medical team that has been working on measles in West
Africa for some twenty years. He has gone over the cliams about the
vaccine made by Tierney and refuted them point by point, in very
much the same terms that you [Katz] have used. We are in the
process of preparing a memo that will state our understanding of
this matter, to help correct the confusion that the unauthorized
circulation of our earlier memo [sic].
No matter: the activist Tierney still gets his word in: "I sensed that
the injustice done to the Yanomami was matched by the distortion done
to science and the history of evolution. Yet the incredible faith the
sociobiologists had in their theories was admirable."
It looks as though the exorcism of "sociobiology" has, for the moment,
failed again. But decent scholars have been hounded and besmirched.
Perhaps they, too, will recover in strength, as E. O. Wilson has done.
But Dr. Neel is dead, and the energetic Chagnon has retired from the
field in which he is both an eminence and the target of bitter
obloquy. (Some of his detractors say that he is not a nice man.) At
the AAA meetings in November, 2000, most speakers exposed the conceits
and deceits of Darkness in El Dorado. And thus far there have been no
serious rebuttals from the book's promoters. Patrick Tierney's feeble
and largely irrelevant written responses to the critical revelations
can be found, along with links to many other important documents,
online at
[6]http://www.anth.uconn.edu/gradstudents/dhume/darkness_in_el_dorado/
index.htm.
Yet the dirty work is done. However far the exorcists retreat, they
have damaged indigenous peoples, who are already afraid of outsiders
(and should be, of some) and of medicine and who see only
conspiracy--of both men and of gods--against them. Science and
preventive medicine suffer already; stung by the worldwide attention
to the horror story, the Venezualan government is moving to stop all
future scientific contacts with such peoples as the Yanomamö. At the
AAA meetings, however, Tierney received enthusiastic applause,
presumably for caring. Those who applauded, the barefoot
anthropologists and activists, will be teaching your children.
Notes
1. Defenders of the Truth: The Battle for Science in the Sociology
Debate and Beyond, by Ullica Segerstråle; Oxford University Press,
464 pages, $30.
2. Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated
the Amazon, by Patrick Tierney; W. W. Norton & Co., 417 pages,
$27.95.
References
1. http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0198505051/thenewcriterio
2. http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0198505051/thenewcriterio
5. http://www.umich.edu/~urel/Darkness/oliver.html
6.
http://www.anth.uconn.edu/gradstudents/dhume/darkness_in_el_dorado/index.htm
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