[Paleopsych] Nation: (Einstein) The Other 1905 Revolution
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The Other 1905 Revolution
http://www.thenation.com/docprint.mhtml?i=20050516&s=foer
by JOSHUA FOER
Einstein 1905: The Standard of Greatness
by John S. Rigden
The Born-Einstein Letters, 1916-1955: Friendship, Politics and Physics
in Uncertain Times
by Irene Born, trans.; with Introduction by Werner Heisenberg and
Foreword by Bertrand Russell
[from the May 16, 2005 issue]
In his 1902 book Science and Hypothesis, the French mathematician and
physicist Henri Poincaré surveyed the landscape of modern physics and
found three fundamental conundrums bedeviling his field: the chaotic
zigzagging of small particles suspended in liquid, known as Brownian
motion; the curious fact that metals emit electrons when exposed to
ultraviolet light, known as the photoelectric effect; and science's
failure to detect the ether, the invisible medium through which light
waves were thought to propagate. In 1904 a 25-year-old Bern patent
clerk named Albert Einstein read Poincaré's book. Nothing the young
physicist had done with his life until that point foreshadowed the
cerebral explosion he was about to unleash. A year later, he had
solved all three of Poincaré's problems.
"A storm broke loose in my mind," Einstein would later say of 1905,
the annus mirabilis, which John S. Rigden calls "the most productive
six months any scientist ever enjoyed." Between March and September,
he published five seminal papers, each of which transformed physics.
Three were Nobel Prize material; another, his thesis dissertation,
remains one of the most cited scientific papers ever; and the fifth, a
three-page afterthought, derived the only mathematical equation you're
likely to find on a pair of boxer shorts, E = mc2.
Rigden's short book Einstein 1905 is a tour through each of those
landmark papers, beginning with the only one that Einstein was willing
to call "revolutionary." That first paper, which would earn him the
Nobel Prize sixteen years later, was titled "On a Heuristic Point of
View About the Creation and Conversion of Light." It could just as
easily have been called "Why Everything You Think You Know About Light
Is Wrong."
In 1905 most scientists were certain that light traveled in waves,
just like sound. Though it troubled few others, Einstein was deeply
perturbed by the notion that energy could flow in continuous waves
whereas matter was made up of discrete particles. To paraphrase
Bertrand Russell, why should one aspect of the universe be molasses
when the other part is sand? When Einstein tried to imagine a universe
in which everything, including light, was made up of particles, he
realized the simple conceptual shift could explain a lot, including
the mysterious photoelectric effect. This was typical of how Einstein
thought, argues Rigden. He saw fundamental contradictions in the
generalizations that others had made before him and then followed the
trail of logic to unexpected conclusions. In some cases it took years
before his ideas could be experimentally verified. His theory of light
wasn't widely accepted for two decades.
The second paper of the year, completed in April, is the least well
remembered, even though its many practical applications have made it
one of Einstein's most cited works. In that paper, Einstein suggested
a way of calculating the size of molecules in a liquid based on
measurements of how the liquid behaves. The paper relied on more
mathematical brute force and was less graceful than the other four of
the year, but it was important nonetheless. Because it showed how to
measure the size of otherwise unobservable atoms, it helped nail the
coffin shut on the few lingering skeptics, like Ernst Mach, who still
did not buy into the atomic theory of matter.
Even more damning for those atomic skeptics was Einstein's May paper
on Brownian motion, which explained the unpredictable dance of pollen
grains in water. The reason for the pollen's erratic behavior,
Einstein demonstrated, is that it is being constantly bombarded by
water molecules. Most of the time, that bombardment occurs equally
from all angles, so the net effect on a grain of pollen is zero. But
sometimes, statistical fluctuations conspire so that more molecules
are pushing in one direction than another, causing a grain to zip
through the water. Even though atoms are invisible, Einstein had
figured out a way to see them at work. "A few scientific papers, not
many, seem like magic," Rigden writes. "Einstein's May paper is
magic."
Having dispatched two of Poincaré's conundrums, Einstein next turned
his attention to the undetected ether; his June paper ended up being
the most earth-shattering of the bunch. It demolished two pillars of
Newtonian physics, the notions of absolute space and absolute time. In
their place, Einstein constructed the special theory of relativity,
which held that time appears to stretch and space appears to shrink at
velocities approaching the speed of light. The paper had no citations,
as if Einstein owed a debt to no one. In fact, that wasn't the case.
"Much of his source material was 'in the air' among scientists in
1905," notes Rigden, "and some of these ideas had been published."
Physics was on the verge of something big at the turn of the century.
It took an Einstein to pull it all together, to ask the big question
in the right way.
The final paper, published in September, might as well have been an
addendum to the June paper. The profoundly simple equation he derived
in three pages, E = mc2, was a logical consequence of the special
theory of relativity. Equating energy and mass, it explained why the
sun shines and why Hiroshima was leveled. More than anything else
Einstein produced, it has come to symbolize his genius.
A half century after his miracle year, in the final sentence of his
final letter to his friend and intellectual sparring partner, the
physicist Max Born, a dying Albert Einstein wrote, "In the present
circumstances, the only profession I would choose would be one where
earning a living had nothing to do with the search for knowledge." And
so the man whose thought experiments revolutionized science concluded
his life posing a thought experiment about himself: Where would we be
if Einstein had become a "plumber or peddler," jobs he once
rhetorically suggested he'd prefer, instead of a physicist?
One place to look to start answering that question is the science
itself, which is where Rigden's book begins. Another is the man
himself, whose personality is abundantly on display in the letters he
exchanged with Born between 1916 and 1955. Those letters, which first
appeared in German in 1969 and in English two years later, have now
been republished along with Born's commentary, Werner Heisenberg's
original introduction and a useful new preface by Diana Buchwald and
Kip Thorne. The Einstein that comes through in the letters is
self-aware, philosophical, politically conscious (if sometimes naïve),
modest, generous, an aesthete and--in his exchanges with Born's wife,
Hedi--an occasional flirt. From these epistolary glimpses of Einstein
the person it's possible to see how his science, which "seems to be so
far removed from all things human," is nonetheless, as Heisenberg
writes in his introduction, "fundamentally determined by philosophical
and human attitudes."
By the time Einstein began corresponding with Born in 1916, his best
work was behind him, and he was already an international celebrity.
Their letters document the final chapter of Einstein's career, the
forty years during which he was an outsider to the quantum physics
revolution and alone in his pursuit of a single unified theory capable
of explaining all of physics. Ironically, it was at the height of his
fame that Einstein was furthest from the scientific mainstream. The
aging revolutionary never ceased to be a radical.
Like Einstein, Born was an assimilated German Jew who fled the
country's rising anti-Semitism in the early 1930s. Many of their
letters from that period concern the deteriorating political situation
in Europe and attempts to arrange teaching posts for exiled German
scientists. But unlike Einstein, who perceived an inveterate savagery
at the heart of German culture and never again set foot on German
soil, Born was more forgiving. After sojourning in Edinburgh during
World War II, he returned to Göttingen in 1953. They also differed on
their shared Jewish heritage. While Einstein was a moderate Zionist,
Born saw no difference between Jewish nationalism and all other
embodiments of nationalism that he despised. Their political
differences, though, were nowhere near as deep as their scientific
disagreements.
Einstein considered Born and himself "Antipodean in our scientific
expectations." Born was a leading proponent of quantum theory and was
awarded the 1954 Nobel Prize for his work establishing the theory's
mathematical basis. Einstein was quantum theory's foremost critic.
Even though his 1905 paper on the photoelectric effect helped create
the field of quantum mechanics, Einstein could never reconcile himself
to its nondeterministic implications. He was adamant that the theory
provided only a superficial explanation of the universe, and that a
deeper theory would someday be found. This conviction was based almost
entirely in aesthetic instincts about what the laws of physics ought
to look like.
"Quantum mechanics is certainly imposing," he famously told Born. "But
an inner voice tells me that it is not yet the real thing. The theory
says a lot, but does not really bring us any closer to the secret of
the 'old one.' I, at any rate, am convinced that He is not playing at
dice." Einstein believed that there had to be an "objective reality"
at the heart of the universe. If quantum mechanics proved correct, he
wrote, again teasing with one of his occupational counterfactuals, "I
would rather be a cobbler, or even an employee in a gaming-house, than
a physicist."
Their quarrel over quantum theory dragged out for more than three
decades, but the content of their arguments changed little from the
first letters they exchanged on the subject in 1919 right up until
Einstein's death. In a 1953 letter Born declares, "I hope to be able
to convince you at last that quantum mechanics is complete and as
realistic as the facts permit." His attempt to persuade his friend
after all those years seems almost comic. He goes on to call
Einstein's stubbornness on the subject "quite unbearable."
Einstein's letters tend to be half as long as Born's and twice as
pithy, and are almost always prefaced with an apology for having not
written back sooner. Though Born and Einstein only met in person once,
they grew to address each other in the tone of lifelong friends.
There's no shortage of tough honesty in the letters. There's even the
occasional spat. Several correspondences are consumed by discussion
over whether Einstein should grant a journalist permission to publish
a book called Conversations With Einstein. Born and his wife were
concerned that the author would depict Einstein unflatteringly. "Your
own jokes will be smilingly thrown back at you," Hedi Born warns.
"This book will constitute your moral death sentence for all but four
or five of your friends." Her husband pleads with Einstein, "You do
not understand this, in these matters you are a little child."
Einstein replied, "The whole affair is a matter of indifference to me,
as is all the commotion, and the opinion of each and every human
being." Nonetheless, Einstein tried and failed to stop the publication
of the book, which even Born later admitted wasn't nearly as bad as he
had feared. Einstein's detachment is a persistent theme throughout the
letters. He tells Born, "I hibernate like a bear in its cave," and in
the same letter he off-handedly informs Born of his wife's death,
which he describes as just one more thing accentuating his bearish
feeling. Einstein's seeming indifference to worldly things leads Born
to comment that "for all his kindness, sociability and love of
humanity, he was nevertheless totally detached from his environment
and the human beings included in it."
Ironically, the vague constellation of traits that, according to
Rigden, stimulated Einstein's early discoveries may also help explain
why he spent the second half of his career as an outsider to the
quantum revolution. The same aesthetic instincts that led him to
recognize the inelegance of the old theories about light and space may
have blinded him to the decidedly unbeautiful reality of quantum
mechanics. The same "stubbornness of a mule" that kept him on the
trail of the general theory of relativity for a decade may also have
kept him on less fruitful paths later in his career. And the same
self-confidence that gave the 26-year-old patent clerk the audacity to
challenge the central precepts of classical physics may have prevented
him from recognizing his own failure of imagination with regard to
quantum mechanics.
Heisenberg writes in his introduction, "In the course of scientific
progress it can happen that a new range of empirical data can be
completely understood only when the enormous effort is made
to...change the very structure of the thought processes. In the case
of quantum mechanics, Einstein was apparently no longer willing to
take this step, or perhaps no longer able to do so."
But another explanation is possible. Einstein always held that
posterity would value his ideas more than his peers did. He was right.
Again and again, work that was at first deemed loopy has been
vindicated. The quest for a unified theory, once an emblem of
Einstein's isolation, has become contemporary physics' Holy Grail.
It's possible that Einstein's greatest intellectual gamble, his
repudiation of quantum theory, may yet prove as prescient. Indeed,
though they are a minority, many highly regarded scientists still
harbor the deep discomfort that Einstein felt about quantum theory. In
a 1944 letter to Born on the subject, Einstein wrote, "No doubt the
day will come when we will see whose instinctive attitude was the
correct one." That day may yet be some time off.
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