[Paleopsych] NYT Mag: The Literary Darwinists
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The Literary Darwinists
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/06/magazine/06darwin.html
By D. T. MAX
Jane Austen first published "Pride and Prejudice" in 1813. She had
misgivings about the book, complaining in a letter to her sister that
it was "rather too light, and bright, and sparkling." But these
qualities may be what make it the most popular of her novels. It tells
the story of Elizabeth Bennet, a young woman from a shabby genteel
family, who meets Mr. Darcy, an aristocrat. At first, the two dislike
each other. Mr. Darcy is arrogant; Elizabeth, clever and cutting. But
through a series of encounters that show one to the other in a more
appealing light - as well as Mr. Darcy's intervention when an officer
named Wickham runs away with Elizabeth's younger sister Lydia (Darcy
bribes the cad to marry Lydia) - Elizabeth and Darcy come to love each
other, to marry and, it is strongly suggested at book's end, to live
happily ever after.
For the common reader, "Pride and Prejudice" is a romantic comedy. His
or her pleasure comes from the vividness of Austen's characters and
how familiar they still seem: it's as if we know Elizabeth and Darcy.
On a more literary level, we enjoy Austen's pointed dialogue and
admire her expert way with humor. For similar reasons, critics have
long called "Pride and Prejudic" a classic - their ultimate (if not
well defined) expression of approval.
But for an emerging school of literary criticism known as Literary
Darwinism, the novel is significant for different reasons. Just as
Charles Darwin studied animals to discover the patterns behind their
development, Literary Darwinists read books in search of innate
patterns of human behavior: child bearing and rearing, efforts to
acquire resources (money, property, influence) and competition and
cooperation within families and communities. They say that it's
impossible to fully appreciate and understand a literary text unless
you keep in mind that humans behave in certain universal ways and do
so because those behaviors are hard-wired into us. For them, the most
effective and truest works of literature are those that reference or
exemplify these basic facts.
From the first words of the first chapter ("It is a truth universally
acknowledged, that a single man in possession of a good fortune, must
be in want of a wife") to the first words of the last ("Happy for all
her maternal feelings was the day on which Mrs. Bennet got rid of her
two most deserving daughters"), the novel is stocked with the sort of
life's-passage moments that resonate with meaning for Literary
Darwinists. (One calls the novel their "fruit fly.") The women in the
book mostly compete to marry high-status men, consistent with the
Darwinian idea that females try to find mates whose status will assure
the success of their offspring. At the same time, the men are
typically competing to marry the most attractive women, consistent
with the Darwinian idea that males look for youth and beauty in
females as signs of reproductive fitness. Darcy and Elizabeth's flips
and flops illustrate the effort mammals put into distinguishing
between short-term appeal (a pert step, a handsome coxcomb) and
long-term appropriateness (stability, commitment, wealth, underlying
good health). Meanwhile, Wickham - the penniless officer who tries to
make off first with Darcy's sister and then carries off Lydia - serves
as an example of the mating behavior evolutionary biologists call (I'm
using a milder euphemism than they do) "the sneaky fornicator theory."
Humans beyond reproductive age also have a part to play in the
Literary Darwinist paradigm. Consider Mrs. Bennet, Elizabeth's mother.
Jane Austen calls her "invariably silly," and most critics over nearly
two centuries have agreed. But for Literary Darwinists, her marriage
obsession makes sense, because she also has a stake in what is going
on. If one of her daughters has a child, Mrs. Bennet will have further
passed on her genetic material, fulfilling the ultimate aim of living
things according to some evolutionary theorists: the replication of
one's genes. (J.B.S. Haldane, a British biologist, was once asked if
he would trade his life for his brother's and replied no, but that he
would trade it for two brothers or eight cousins.)
It is useful to know a bit about current literary criticism to
understand how different the Darwinist approach to literature is.
Current literary theory tends to look at a text as the product of
particular social conditions or, less often, as a network of
references to other texts. (Jacques Derrida, the father of
deconstruction, famously observed that there was "nothing outside the
text.") It often focuses on how the writer's and the reader's
identities - straight, gay, female, male, black, white, colonizer or
colonized - shape a particular narrative or its interpretation.
Theorists sometimes regard science as simply another form of language
or suspect that when scientists claim to speak for nature, they are
disguising their own assertion of power. Literary Darwinism breaks
with these tendencies. First, its goal is to study literature through
biology - not politics or semiotics. Second, it takes as a given not
that literature possesses its own truth or many truths but that it
derives its truth from laws of nature.
"The Literary Animal," the first scholarly anthology dedicated to
Literary Darwinism, is to be published next month. It draws from the
various fields that figure in Darwinian evolutionary studies,
including contributions from evolutionary psychologists and biologists
as well as literature professors. The essays consider the importance
of the male-male bond in epics and romances, the battle of the sexes
in Shakespeare and the motif in both Japanese and Western literature
of men rejecting children whom their wives have conceived in adultery.
"The Literary Animal" spans centuries and individual cultures with
bravura, if not bravado. "There is no work of literature written
anywhere in the world, at any time, by any author, that is outside the
scope of Darwinian analysis," Joseph Carroll, a professor of English
at the University of Missouri at St. Louis, writes in an essay in "The
Literary Animal." Why bring literature into what is essentially a
social science? Jonathan Gotschall, an editor of "The Literary
Animal," offers an answer: "One thing literature offers is data. Fast,
inexhaustible, cross-cultural and cheap."
There is a circularity to an argument that uses texts about people to
prove that people behave in human ways. (I'm reminded of the Robert
Frost line: "Earth's the right place for love:/I don't know where it's
likely to go better.") But Literary Darwinism has a second focus too.
It also investigates why we read and write fiction. At the core of
Literary Darwinism is the idea that we inherit many of the
predispositions we deem to be cultural through our genes. How we
behave has been subjected to the same fitness test as our bodies: if a
bit of behavior has no purpose, then evolution - given enough time -
may well dispense with it. So why, Literary Darwinists ask, do we make
room for this strange exercise of the imagination? What are reading
and writing fiction good for? In her essay "Reverse-Engineering
Narrative," Michelle Scalise Sugiyama tries to simplify the question
by picking stories apart, breaking them down into characters,
settings, causalities and time frames ("the cognitive widgets and
sprockets of storytelling") and asking what purpose each serves: how
do they make us more adaptive, more capable of passing on our genes?
F or the moment, Literary Darwinism is a club that may grow into a
crowd; there are only about 30 or so declared adherents in all of
academia. (The wider field of biopoetics - which relates music and the
visual arts to Darwin as well - can claim another handful.) But it has
captured the imagination of a number of academics who grew up with
other literary critical techniques and became dissatisfied. Brian
Boyd, for instance, a well-known scholar of Vladimir Nabokov and
professor at the University of New Zealand in Auckland, changed his
focus in his 40's to Literary Darwinism, gripped by what he calls its
"one very simple and powerful idea."
It may seem strange that English professors in search of inspiration
would turn to evolutionary biology, but you should never underestimate
the appeal of the worldview Darwin formulated. It has a way of
capturing people's attention. While not everyone enjoys being reminded
that humans descend from monkeys (or even worse, from prokaryotic
bacteria), many of us like the subtle reassurance that Darwinism
offers. Despite its theory that unceasing change is the essence of
life, it can be perceived as a reassuring philosophy, one that
believes there are answers. And a philosophy that implies "survival of
the fittest" pays a great compliment to all of us who are here to read
about it. So it is little surprise that evolutionary biology has come
to be invoked not merely as a theory about changes in the physical
makeups of living beings but also as an explanatory tool that appeals
to both academics and to everyone's inner pop psychologist. (Jack
Nicholson explaining his bad-boy behavior to an interviewer for The
New York Times in 2002: "I have a sweet spot for what's attractive to
me. It's not just psychological. It's also glandular and has to do
with mindlessly continuing the species.")
Literary Darwinism - like many offshoots of Darwinism - tends to find
favor with those looking for universal explanations. Like Freudianism
and Marxism, it has large-scale ambitions: to explain not just the
workings of a particular text or author but of texts and authors over
time and across cultures as well. It may also allow English professors
to grab back some of the influence - and money - that the sciences, in
the Darwinian fight for university resources, have taken from the
humanities for the past century. But for now, to march under the
Literary Darwinist banner you had better be independent and unafraid.
"The most effective and easiest form of repudiation is to ignore us,"
Carroll says.
Literary Darwinists give off a cultlike vibe. When they talk about
like-minded academics who won't acknowledge their beliefs in public,
they sometimes call them "closeted." The 56-year-old Carroll's own
conversion to the discipline took place when, as a young, tenured but
disgruntled professor of English at the University of Missouri at St.
Louis in the early 90's, he picked up "The Origin of Species" and "The
Descent of Man" and had an "intuitive conviction" that he had found
the master keys to literature. Carroll had always liked big ideas;
he'd had a "big Hegel phase" when he was 21. "The basic conception
crystallized for me in a matter of weeks," he remembers, and the notes
he began taking "at high intensity" formed themselves into the
founding text in the field, "Evolution and Literary Theory," published
in 1995.
Jonathan Gottschall, a 33-year-old editor of "The Literary Animal,"
began his graduate studies in English at the State University of New
York at Binghamton in 1994 and was surprised at how little his
professors cared about linking literature with "the big, Delphic
project of seeking the nature of human nature. They didn't believe in
knowledge. In fact they could only render the word in quotes." When he
found a copy of the zoologist Desmond Morris's 1967 book, "The Naked
Ape," in a used bookstore, Morris's observations on the overlap
between primate and human behavior spoke to him. (Animals often play a
role in these conversion narratives: Ellen Dissanayake, the author of
"What Is Art For?" and a biopoeticist at the University of Washington,
was primed for her conversion in part by watching the behavior of wild
animals - her husband at the time was a director at the National Zoo
in Washington - and comparing them to her young children.)
Soon after reading "The Naked Ape," Gottschall reread the "Iliad," one
of his favorite books: "As always," he writes in the introduction to
"The Literary Animal," "Homer made my bones flex and ache under the
weight of all the terror and beauty of the human condition. But this
time around I also experienced the 'Iliad' as a drama of naked apes -
strutting, preening, fighting, tattooing their chests and bellowing
their power in fierce competition for social dominance, desirable
mates and material resources." He brought his ideas to class. "When I
would say things like 'sociobiology' and 'evolutionary biology' in
class," Gottschall remembers, "my classmates would hear things like
'eugenics' and 'Hitler.' It was a measure of how toxic the material
was."
His interest in Literary Darwinism does not seem to have helped
Gottschall's career - "The Literary Animal" was rejected by more than
a dozen publishers before Northwestern University Press agreed to take
it on. And Gottschall himself remains unemployed (though that is a
condition familiar to many English Ph.D.'s). Literary Darwinists claim
that no acknowledged member of their troupe has ever received tenure
in this country. "Most of my closest friends ended up at the Ivies or
their equivalents," Joseph Carroll says, while he is at "a branch
campus in a state university system."
The alpha male of Literary Darwinism is the 76-year-old Harvard
biologist Edward O. Wilson. "There's no one we owe so much,"
Gottschall says. Wilson contributed a foreword to "The Literary
Animal" in which he writes that if Literary Darwinism succeeds and
"not only human nature but its outermost literary productions can be
solidly connected to biological roots, it will be one of the great
events of intellectual history. Science and the humanities united!"
Wilson has been working for 30 years to prepare the way for such a
moment. In 1975, he began the expansion of modern evolutionary biology
to human behavior in his book "Sociobiology: The New Synthesis." In
the last chapter, he tried to show that evolutionary pressures play a
big role not just in animal societies but also in human culture. "Many
scientists and others believed it would have been better if I had
stopped at chimpanzees," Wilson would remember later, "but the
challenge and the excitement I felt were too much to resist."
In "On Human Nature," published three years later, Wilson revisited
the question with new energy. The field that emerged in part out of
his work, evolutionary psychology, asserts that many of our mental
activities and the behaviors that come from them - language, altruism,
promiscuity - can be traced to preferences that were encoded in us in
prehistoric times when they helped us to survive. According to
evolutionary psychologists, everything from seasonal affective
disorder to singing to lifesaving is - or at least might be -
hard-wired. Evolutionary psychologists also try to demystify the
nature of consciousness itself, positing, for example, that the brain
is a collection of separate modules evolved to serve mental
operations, more like a Swiss Army knife than a soul. A controversial
implication of their theories is that evolution may be responsible for
some inequalities among groups. One has only to recall the trouble
that Lawrence Summers, Harvard's president, brought on himself earlier
this year when he speculated that evolution might have left women less
capable than men of outstanding performance in engineering and science
to see how the notion continues to roil us.
All the same, today we speak casually of innate preferences, adaptive
behavior and fitness strategies. Consider how evolutionary psychology
has displaced Freud. Who, upon discovering that a remote tribe had an
incest taboo, would ascribe it to unconscious repression on the part
of the sons of their sexual attraction to their mothers? Instead, we
would likely cite an evolutionary biology principle that states that
we have evolved an innate repulsion to inbreeding because it creates
birth defects and birth defects are a barrier to survival.
In a recent telephone conversation, I asked Wilson to assess the state
of the revolution he helped touch off. How far had sociologists and
psychologists gone in folding evolutionary principles into their work?
Wilson laughed and said silkily, "Not far enough, in my opinion."
Nonetheless, he looks forward to seeing sociobiology dust the wings of
the arts - especially literature - with its magic. "Confusion is what
we have now in the realm of literary criticism," Wilson writes in his
foreword to "The Literary Animal." He amplified the point on the
phone: "They just go on presenting it, teaching it, explaining it as
best they can." He saw in literary criticism, especially the school
led by Derrida, a "form of unrooted free association and an attempt to
build rules of analysis on just idiosyncratic perceptions of how the
world works, how the mind works. I could not see anything that was
truly coherent." Predicting my objection, he went on: "We're not
talking about reducing, corroding, dehumanizing. We're talking about
adding deep history, deep genetic history, to art criticism."
Literary Darwinists use this "deep history" to explain the power of
books and poems that might otherwise confuse us, thus hoping to add
satisfaction to our reading of them. Take for instance "Hamlet."
Through the Literary Darwinist lens, Shakespeare's play becomes the
story of a young man's dilemma choosing between his personal
self-interest (taking over the kingdom by killing his uncle, his
mother's new husband) and his genetic self-interest (if his mother has
children with his uncle, he may get new siblings who carry
three-eighths of his genes). No wonder the prince of Denmark cannot
make up his mind.
Or look at Jonathan Gottschall's study of the "Iliad," which
emphasizes how the fighting over women in the epic is not the
substitute for the fight over territory, as commentators usually
assume, but the central subject of the poem, occasioned by an ancient
sex-ratio imbalance, a fact he unearthed in part from studies of the
archaeological records of contemporary grave sites.
One of the central beliefs of evolutionary psychology is that pleasure
is adaptive, so it is meaningful that Literary Darwinism is enjoyable
to practice. But while its observations on individual books can be fun
and memorable, they also feel flimsy. As David Sloan Wilson, an editor
of "The Literary Animal" and a professor of biology and anthropology
at SUNY-Binghamton, puts it, "Tasty slice, but where's the rest of the
pie?"
And Literary Darwinism is not equally good at explaining everything.
It is best on big social novels, on people behaving in groups. As the
British novelist Ian McEwan notes in his contribution to "The Literary
Animal," "If one reads accounts of . . . troops of bonobo . . . one
sees rehearsed all the major themes of the English 19th-century
novel." But I don't think even by stretching one's imagination
primates evoke "The Waste Land" or "Finnegans Wake." Tone, point of
view, reliability of the narrator - these are literary tropes that
often elude Literary Darwinists, an interpretive limitation that can
be traced to Darwin himself; his son once complained that "it often
astonished us what trash he would tolerate in the way of novels. The
chief requisites were a pretty girl and a good ending." Darwin was
drawn to books that were Darwinian. Similarly, Literary Darwinists are
better on Émile Zola and John Steinbeck than, say, Henry James or
Gustave Flaubert. I would read their take on Shakespeare's histories
before the tragedies and the tragedies before the comedies, and in
"The Tempest" I'd be curious about their observations on the Prospero,
Miranda and Fernando triad but not on Caliban or Ariel. I don't care
if there are selection pressures on mooncalfs and sprites.
Ultimately, Literary Darwinism may teach us less about individual
books than about the point of literature. But what can the purpose of
literature be, assuming it is not just a harmless oddity? At first
glance, reading is a waste of time, turning us all into versions of
Don Quixote, too befuddled by our imaginations to tell windmills from
giants. We would be better off spending the time mating or farming.
Darwinists have an answer - or more accurately, many possible answers.
(Literary Darwinists like multiple answers, convinced the best idea
will win out.) One idea is that literature is a defense reaction to
the expansion of our mental life that took place as we began to
acquire the basics of higher intelligence around 40,000 years ago. At
that time, the world suddenly appeared to homo sapiens in all its
frightening complexity. But by taking imaginative but orderly voyages
within our minds, we gained the confidence to interpret this new
vastly denser reality. Another theory is that reading literature is a
form of fitness training, an exercise in "what if" thinking. If you
could imagine the battle between the Greeks and the Trojans, then if
you ever found yourself in a street fight, you would have a better
chance of winning. A third theory sees writing as a sex-display trait.
Certainly writers often seem to be preening when they write, with an
eye toward attracting a desirable mate. In "The Ghost Writer," Philip
Roth's narrator informs another writer that "no one with seven books
in New York City settles for" just one woman. "That's what you get for
a couplet."
Yet another theory is that the main function of literature is to
integrate us all into one culture; evolutionary psychologists believe
shared imaginings or myths produce social cohesion, which in turn
confers a survival advantage. And a fifth idea is that literature
began as religion or wish fulfillment: we ensure our success in the
next hunt by recounting the triumph of the last one. Finally, it may
be precisely writing's uselessness that makes it attractive to the
opposite sex; it could be that, like the male peacock's exuberant
tail, literature's very unnecessariness speaks to the underlying good
health of its practitioner. He or she has resources to burn.
Generally, Literary Darwinism positions literature not as a luxury or
as an add-on but as connected with our deepest selves. There is a
grandeur to this view, and also a good deal of conjecture. That is
because evolutionary biology is unusual among the sciences in asking
not just "how" things work but also "why" - and not the why of local
explanations (Why does water freeze at 32 degrees?) but the why of
deeper ones, why something exists (Why did we evolve lungs? Why do we
feel love?). There is no lab protocol to solve these sorts of
mysteries, which the inductive techniques of science are poorly
designed to answer, and so in the end, evolutionary biologists'
conclusions can far outrun their research.
Take, for example, the human fear of snakes. According to Edward
Wilson, this fear had its beginning in prehistoric times, when many of
our ancestors were killed by snake bites. Those who feared snakes
survived in greater numbers than those who didn't. This was the period
when the human brain was becoming hard-wired, so our fear, rooted now
in our genetic makeup, outlived its usefulness. Even after snakes
stopped killing us very often, we remembered how we felt when they
did. Over time, because they had traumatized us when we were most
impressionable, snakes took a central role in our imaginative lives,
becoming a center of our religion and art - whence the protection of
the kings of ancient Egypt by the cobra goddess Wadjet; Quetzalcoatl,
the Aztec serpent god of death and resurrection; and the fascination
D.H. Lawrence felt when an uninvited guest slithered "his yellow-brown
slackness soft-bellied" down to his water trough.
It is a nice story backed by some evidence. Children have a readiness
to fear snakes that needs only an encounter or two to set it off.
Their fear remains even after they outgrow ordinary childhood fears.
And many primates, our nearest relatives, also have a readiness - an
easily evoked potential - to be afraid of snakes. But we need to know
a great deal before asserting that our snake obsession is an example
of the sort of "gene-culture co-evolution," in Wilson's words, that
evolutionary psychology - and literary Darwinism - depend on. For one
thing, if there is a module in the brain that contains the
predisposition to fear snakes, it has not yet been found. Nor do we
really know how many snake deaths there were in prehistoric times. Nor
whether that number was sufficient to create a phobia, which,
moreover, for some reason would have had to remain fixed until the
present day in the human mind instead of dropping out through further
evolutionary selection, as you might expect a useless phobia to do.
Today it might be people who love snakes who outreproduce the
ophidophobes, since some snakes make good eating and their skins can
be sold for money, yet we have no evidence of this pattern. At the
same time, we must ask why there are equivalent or greater dangers our
ancestors withstood that do not seem to have led to phobias - for
instance, fire.
When you try to evaluate the importance of snakes to myths and the
arts, you have to make several more assumptions. First, are snakes any
more prominent in our imaginations than, say, eagles, which have never
preyed on us? And if they are, does it not seem as likely that our
fascination with them comes from there being something special
(module-activating, if you like) about the snake's motion or its shape
- its resemblance to a stick, or pace Freud, to the penis? Or about
the fact that it kills with poison rather than through lethal
wounding, as most wild animals do? Why trace our fear of them only
back to their supposed role as a prehistoric killer of our ancestors?
S ometimes evolutionary psychological theory feels like a start toward
a science rather than a science itself. Consider, for instance, the
larger question of the human imagination's role in evolution. Let's
assume the capacity for imagination is inherited. Then most
evolutionary psychologists would assume that human imagination was
favored by natural selection and that it helps us to survive. But
imagination could just as well not be an adaptation to (imagined)
survival pressures but an accidental byproduct of such an adaptation.
Maybe evolutionary pressures favored a related mental process like,
say, curiosity, and because the higher brain, where such mental
activities reside, is a sort of huge pool of neurons, it also produced
the capacity for imagination. And, as Stephen Kosslyn, a Harvard
psychology professor, notes, "Whether any of this was itself the
target of natural selection is anybody's guess."
To be fair, evolutionary psychologists deserve credit for asking
whether complex human behavior can be transmitted through a
genetic-cultural link even if they cannot yet show that it is. Theirs
remains an alluring approach. What they need in order to overcome
their problems is the equivalent of the early-20th-century elaboration
of the function of genes - or at least more and better hard science to
support their conclusions.
A similar focus would help Literary Darwinists. They would benefit
from studying writers and readers in the laboratory to see what parts
of the brain our taste for literature comes out of and what the
implications are. Such experiments could reveal quite remarkable
things. For instance, we know that a structure in the brain called the
hippocampus has a key role in long-term memory formulation. Scanning
readers using functional M.R.I.'s - M.R.I.'s set to track blood flow
to different areas of the brain - we can also see how different works
activate their readers' hippocampuses. Those words that light up the
hippocampus the most are the ones people wind up remembering best. So
functional M.R.I.'s of the hippocampus could provide the beginning of
a biological basis for the hoary assumption that "Pride and Prejudice"
is a classic and maybe even a justification for the rest of the
literary canon.
Even more interesting, brain scanning might one day help to explain
the act of reading itself. "Reading is a funny kind of brain state,"
says Norman Holland, a professor who teaches a course on brain science
and literature at the University of Florida in Gainesville. "If you're
engrossed in a story, you're no longer aware of your body; you're no
longer aware of your environment. You feel real emotions toward the
characters." What is going on in our heads? Are we in a dream? A
heightened reality? A trance?
Edward Wilson told me that he is confident neurobiology can help
confirm many of evolutionary psychology's insights about the
humanities, commending the work to "any ambitious young
neurobiologist, psychologist or scholar in the humanities." They could
be the "Columbus of neurobiology," he said, adding that if "you gave
me a million dollars to do it, I would get immediately into brain
imaging." In fact, you won't always need a million dollars for the
work, as the cost of M.R.I. technology goes down. "Five years from
now, every psychology department will have a scanner in the basement,"
says Steven Pinker, a Harvard cognitive psychologist. With the help of
those scanners, Wilson says that science and the study of literature
will join in "a mutualistic symbiosis," with science providing
literary criticism with the "foundational principles" for analysis it
lacks.
David Sloan Wilson, the co-editor of "The Literary Animal" (and the
son of the novelist Sloan Wilson), sees the potential of that embrace
differently. "Literature," he says, "is the natural history of our
species," and its diversity proves us diverse. No one in "Pride and
Prejudice" takes exception when, at the book's opening, Elizabeth
Bennet's father's cousin comes to propose to her. In Daniel Defoe's
"Moll Flanders," the title character can, at the same time, consider
her incest with her brother "the most nauseous thing to me in the
world" and say she "had not great concern about it in point of
conscience" because she had not known they were related. Humans are
complex, and the best books about them are too. So rather than
narrowing literature, David Wilson says that Literary Darwinism may
broaden evolutionary psychology.
It may, in fact, have already done so. Think about evolutionary
psychology. It is seductive and metaphoric, alluring and imagistic. It
is fun to riff on. It takes bits of information and from them builds a
worldview. It convinces us that we understand why things happen the
way they happen. When it succeeds, evolutionary psychology impresses
us with the elegance and economy of that vision and, when it fails,
gives us a sense of waste and unthriftiness on the author's part. It
may be true or it may just have some truth in it, and once you have
encountered it, you can never see things quite the same way again: it
works a kind of conversion in you. Isn't it, then, already a lot like
literature?
D.T. Max, a frequent contributor to the magazine, is working on "The
Dark Eye," a cultural and scientific history of mad cow and other
prion diseases.
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