[Paleopsych] Roger D. Congelton: The political economy of Gordon Tullock
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Roger D. Congelton: The political economy of Gordon Tullock*
Public Choice 121:213-238, 2004
[This is a superb appreciation of one of the Founding Fathers of Public
Choice theory, and it no mean introduction to the field, since Gordon's
interests were so broad. I loved this in particular: "It bears noting that
Tullock invented or at least helped to invent the rent-seeking model of
con.ict (1967/1974). A social scientist who was more interested in
maximizing fame than in understanding the world would never have raised a
question that reduces the importance of one of his own major
contributions, even were such doubts to arise. Fame and fortune tend to go
to those whose ideas are "bigger" than initially thought, not "smaller."
However, a proper scientist is a truth seeker (The Organization of
Inquiry, 1966: 49), and Tullock is in this sense, if not in the
conventional sense, a very proper social scientist."
[Gordon, I think, loved more than anything else, to make unsettling if not
outrageous assertions in conversation. Back in graduate school, when I
first met him, I was arguing foreign policy with him. He was dubious and
asked me a question. I changed my view, and he asked me another question.
This went on until he told me, "You have now gone full circle."
[Of all the people I have ever met, only Steve Sniegoski comes close in
challenging my opinions. Both of them have first opinions of their own,
which in the case of Gordon, as the article shows, are not always so
apparent. I'm even further removed myself, since it is leaving no Premise
Unchecked (that is, the Premise of my conversant) that is my forte, not
persuasion itself.
[In my opinion, Gordon did not share the Nobel Prize with Jim Buchanan
because he tweaked the nose of the Swedes with their welfare state, and
who award the prize, too many times by demanding to know what they thought
a "just" distribution of income looks like, as their underlying mood is
not to achieve some fixed distribution but to have ever more
re-distribution.
[The world badly needs far more challengers like Gordon.]
[I call myself one of the Founding Sons of Public Choice theory, having
studied under Gordon and Jim Buchanan in the early years at U.Va. I'm
sending this also to a number of U.Va. people, so they can see what came
out of it.
[Sorry about the ligatures, like <fi> showing up as periods. Adobe's PDF
to TXT converter (starting with version 7) changes all these ligatures to
a period, so I can't do a global search and replace. I do convert (at
least I try to get them all) the various Microsoft smart characters to
ASCII ", ', --, etc., as appropriate. Lynx, my text-only web browser does
this now, except that in some cases, nothing, not even a space, remains.
But it should be obvious what's what. Tables generally do not convert.
Sometimes I have to remove page headers, sometimes not. And, too often,
spaces are omitted. It can be quite time comsuming, so please forgive me
if I didn't replace each ligature by hand. I sometimes also keep
paragraphs together when interrupted with footnotes. I can generally send
the PDFs to anyone who e-mails me asking for them.]
*Center for Study of Public Choice, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA
22030, U.S.A.; e-mail: congleto at gmu.edu
Accepted 25 August 2003
The perspective on Tullock's work presented here is based partly on his
proli.c writings and partly on numerous conversations with him over the
course of several decades. He was kind enough to read through a previous
draft, and the version presented here re.ects his comments and
suggestions. Comments and suggestions received at the 2002 meeting of the
Public Choice Society, and from James Buchanan, Charles Rowley, Robert
Tollison, and an anonymous referee were also very helpful.
"Leaving aside the problem of the correctness of my answers, the fact
remains that I have been unable to .nd any indications that scientists
have asked the questions to which I address myself. The unwary might take
this as proof that the problems are unimportant, but scientists, fully
conscious of the importance of asking new questions, will not make this
mistake." (Gordon Tullock, The Organization of Inquiry (1966: 3.)
1.Introduction
It is fair to say that few public choice scholars have contributed to so
many areas of public choice research as frequently or with as much insight
as Gordon Tullock. Professor Tullock's work considers not only political
and contractual relationships within a well-established legal order, but
also extraordinary political behavior within rent-seeking societies,
within .rms, at court, within communities at war, among those considering
revolution, and among those emerging from or falling into anarchy. The
result is an unusually complete political economy that includes theories
of the origin of the state; theories of decision making within
bureaucracy, dictatorship, democracy, and the courts; and within science
itself.
It is also fair to say that Professor Tullock uses relatively simple tools
to analyze these far-reaching topics. Indeed, it is the use of relatively
simple tools that makes the broad scope of his work possible. All the
principal actors in Tullock's analysis maximize expected net bene.ts in
circumstances where bene.ts, costs, and probabilities are assumed to be
known by the relevant decision makers with some accuracy. This is the
core hypothesis of the rational choice approach to social science, and it
is the rationale for the title of Brady and Tollison's (1994) very
interesting collection of Tullock papers.
For the social scientist who uses the rational choice methodology, the
research problem at hand is not to understand the complex chain of events
that gave rise to unique personalities and historical moments, but rather
to more fully appreciate the general features of the choice problems
facing more or less similar actors at times when more or less routine
decisions are made. By focusing on the general rather than the particular,
a good deal of human behavior can be predicted within broad limits,
without requiring intimate knowledge of the individuals or institutional
settings of interest. Such an approach is commonplace within economics,
where it has been very successfully applied to understand general
features of decisions made by .rms and consumers, and is becoming more
common within other social sciences where the rational choice methodology
remains somewhat controversial.
Tullock's work is largely written for economists and the subset of
political scientists who routinely use rational-choice models, and his
analysis naturally uses that mode of reasoning and argument. What
distinguishes Tullock's work from that of most other social scientists who
use the rational choice approach is that, in spite of his use of
reductionist tools, Tullock's work tends to be anti-reductionist rather
than reductionist in nature.1 A good deal of Tullock's work uses simple
models to demonstrate that the world is more complex than may have
previously been appreciated.
It is partly the critical nature of his work that makes Tullock's world
view dif.cult to summarize, as might also be said of much of Frank
Knight's work. Tullock's more conventional work suggests that some
arguments are more general than they appear and others less general than
might be appreciated. To make these points, Tullock, like Knight, tends to
focus sharply on neglected implications and discomforting facts. Unlike
Knight, his arguments are usually very direct, and often simple appearing.
Indeed, critics sometime suggest that Tullock's direct and informal prose
implies super.ciality rather than a clear vision. However, a more
sympathetic reading of Tullock's work asawhole discovers
irreduciblecomplexity, rather than simplicity.
This complexity arises partly because his approach to political economy
bears a closer relationship to work in law, history, or biology than it
does to physics or astronomy, and much work within economics. Tullock was
trained as a lawyer and reads widely in history. Both lawyers and
historians are inclined to regard every case as somewhat unique and every
argument as somewhat .awed. Both these propensities are evident in his
work. It is also true that Professor Tullock enjoys pointing "the way,"
and "the way" seems to be a bit different in every paper and book. His
published work, especially his books, often leaps from one innovative idea
to the next without providing readers with a clear sense of the general
lay of the intellectual landscape. Although many of Tullock's pieces can
be accurately summarized in a few sentences (as tends to be true of much
that is written by academic scholars) the world revealed by Professor
Tullock's work as a whole is not nearly so easily condensed.
Complexity also arises because the aim of Tullock's work is often to
stimulatenew research on issues and evidence largely neglected by the
scholarly literature, rather than to completeor.nalizeexisting lines of
research through careful integration and testing. To the extent that he
succeeds with his enterprise - and he often has - his efforts to blaze
new trails stimulate further exploration by other scholars. For example,
his work with James Buchanan on constitutional design (1962) has generated
a substantial .eld of rational choice-based research on the positive and
normative properties of alternative constitutional designs. His
path-breaking paper on rent seeking (1967) was so original that it passed
largely unnoticed for a decade, although it and subsequent work have
since become widely praised for opening important new areas of research.
His work on dictatorship (1974, 1987), which was almost a forbidden topic
at the time that he .rst began working on it, has helped to launch
important new research on non-democratic governance (Olson, 1993,
Wintrobe, 1994). His editorial essays, "Ef.cient Rent-Seeking" and "Back
to the Bog," have also encouraged a large body of new work on the
equilibrium size of the rent-seeking industry and helped establish the new
.eld of contest theory. The institutionally induced equilibrium literature
pioneered by Weingast and Shepsle (1981) was developed partly in response
to Tullock's "Why so Much Stability?" essay. His early work on vote
trading (1959), the courts (1971, 1980), and bureaucracy (1965) also
helped to establish new literatures.
The breadth of Tullock's political economy and the simplicity of its
component arguments also re.ects his working style and interests.
Professor Tullock is very quick, reads widely, and works rapidly. He
dictates the majority of his papers. And although his papers are revised
before sending them off, he lacks the patience to polish them to the high
gloss evident in the work of most prominent scholars. In Tullock's mind,
it is the originality of the ideas and analysis that determines the value
of a particular piece of research, rather than the elegance of the prose
or the mathematical models used to communicate its ideas. (To paraphrase
McLuran, "the message is the message," rather than the "medium.") The
result is a very large body of very creative and stimulating work, but
also a body of work that could bene.t from just a bit more care at its
various margins.2
If a major fault exists in that substantial body of research, it is that
Tullock has not provided fellow travelers with a road map to his
intellectual enterprise, as for example James Buchanan, Mancur Olson, and
William Riker have. None of Tullock's hundreds of papers explains his
overarching world view in detail, nor is there a single piece that
attempts to integrate his many contributions into a coherent framework.
The purpose of this essay is to provide such an intellectual road map. It
directs attention to the easily neglected general themes, conclusions, and
connections between Professor Tullock's many contributions to public
choice. The aim of the essay is, thus, in a sense "non-Tullockian" insofar
as it attempts to explain Tullock's complex and multifaceted world view
with a few fundamental principles, rather than to probe for weaknesses or
suggest new problems or interpretations of existing work. The present road
map is organized as follows. Section 2 focuses on the methodological
foundations of Tulluck's work, Section 3 surveys his broad research on
political economy, and Section 4 summarizes the main argument and brie.y
discusses some of Tullock's major contributions. Numerous quotes from
Tullock's work are included in endnotes.
2.Tullock'sworldview
A.Methodology: Positivism without statistics
"We must be skeptical about each theory, but this does not mean that we
must be skeptical about the existence of truth. In fact our skepticism is
an illustration of our belief in truth. We doubt that our present theories
are in fact true, and look for other theories which approach that goal
more closely. Only if one believes in an objective truth will experimental
evidence contrary to the predictions disprove' the theory." (The
Organization of Inquiry: 48)
Tullock's perspective on science and methodology, although implicit in
much of his work, is most clearly developed in The Organization of Inquiry
[1966]. The Organization of Inquiry applies the tools of rational
choice-based social science to science, itself, in order to better
understand how the scienti.c community operates and why scienti.c
discourse has been an engine of progress for the past two centuries. Such
questions cannot be addressed without characterizing the aims and methods
of science and scientists, and, thus, Tullock could not analyze the
organization of inquiry without revealing his own vision of science,
scienti.c progress, and proper methodology. The preface of The
Organization of Inquiryacknowledges the in.uence of Karl Popper, Michael
Polanyi, and Thomas Kuhn, and these in.uences are clearly evident in his
work.3
Although Tullock's work is largely theoretical, he remains very interested
in empirical evidence. A logical explanation that fails to explain key
facts can be overturned by those facts even if the line of reasoning is
completely self-consistent. That is to say, both the assumptions and
predictions of a model should account for facts that are widely recognized
by intelligent persons who read reputable newspapers and are familiar with
world history. The world can "say" something about a theory, and a proper
scientist should be prepared to hear what is said. He or she does this by
remaining a bit skeptical about the merits of existing theories, no matter
how well-stated or long-standing.4
His simultaneous skepticism and belief in the possibility of truth is
clearly evident in his wide range of articles and comments critiquing the
theories and mistaken conclusions of other social scientists. For
example, in a series of essays on "the bog" Tullock asks and re-asks those
working in the rent-seeking literature to explain why the rent-seeking
industry is so small? And, moreover, why is the rate of return on rent
seeking evidently so much greater than the rate of return from other
investments? It bears noting that Tullock invented or at least helped to
invent the rent-seeking model of con.ict (1967/1974). A social scientist
who was more interested in maximizing fame than in understanding the world
would never have raised a question that reduces the importance of one of
his own major contributions, even were such doubts to arise. Fame and
fortune tend to go to those whose ideas are "bigger" than initially
thought, not "smaller." However, a proper scientist is a truth seeker (The
Organization of Inquiry, 1966: 49), and Tullock is in this sense, if not
in the conventional sense, a very proper social scientist.
In contrast to most academic scholars, Tullock argues that the scienti.c
enterprise is not elitist. Science is accessible to non-experts. The facts
do not respect titles, pedigrees, or even a history of scienti.c
achievement. He suggests that essentially any area of science can be
understood by intelligent outsiders who take the time to investigate them.
Thus, every theory is open to examination by newcomers with a fresh eye as
well as those with established reputations in particular .elds of
research.5 Together Tullock's truth-oriented skepticism and nonelitism
sheds considerable light on the broad domain in which Professor Tullock
has read and written. A strong sense that "the truth" can be known by
anyone who invests time and attention induces Tullock to read more widely
and more critically than those inclined to defer to well-credentialed
"experts." His positivism induces him to focus on modern scienti.c
theories and historical facts rather than philosophical controversies.
Because his extensive reading covers areas that are unfamiliar to his less
widely read or more philosophical colleagues, he is able to use a wide
range of historical facts and scienti.c theories to criticize existing
theories and also as a source of puzzles and dilemmas to be addressed in
new research. Together with his non-elitist view of science, his broad
interest in the world induces him to think and write without regard to
the disciplinary boundaries that constrain the thoughts of his more
convention-bound colleagues.
B.Social science: How narrow and how rational is human nature?
"Every man is an individual with his own private ends and ambitions. He
will only carry out assigned tasks if this proves the best way of
attaining his own ends, and will make every effort to change the tasks so
as to make them more in keeping with these objectives. A machine will
carry out instructions given to it. A man is not so con.ned."
(ThePoliticsofBureaucracy, 1966: 32)
Economists tend to view man as "a rational animal," by which various
economists mean various things not uniformly agreed to, but nonetheless
clearly distinct from the customary usage of the word "rational" by
non-economists. For example, microeconomics texts normally introduce the
notion of "rationality" at the same time that they discuss preference
orderings. Rational decision makers have transitive preference orderings.
Game theorists and macroeconomists who model individual decision making
through time consider a decision maker to have "rational expectations." A
rational decision maker anticipates the consequences of his or her
actions, and does so in a manner free of systematic mistakes of bias. (In
this amended concept of rationality, economists are returning to the use
of the term "rational" in ordinary language.) The preference and
informational meanings of the term rational are often commingled by modern
economists so that rational individuals become characterized as persons
having consistent and durable preferences and unbiased expectations. This
very demanding de.nition of rationality is occasionally found in Tullock's
work.6
However, in most cases, Tullock is unwilling to adopt the full rationality
hypothesis. He argues, for example, that information problems exist that
lead to systematic errors, especially within politics (1967, chs. 6-9).
The existence of such information problems is grounded in his personal
experience. If human beliefs were always unbiased, it would be impossible
to .nd instances in which large groups of people, especially
professionals, have systematically mistaken views about anything. For
those who have more than occasionally been persuaded by Professor Tullock
to change their own views, or seen him launch a well-reasoned barrage on
the views of thoughtful but confused colleagues, it sometimes appears
that the only economist whose expectations are untainted by wishful
thinking is Gordon Tullock, himself.7 Tullock's value as a critic and
curmudgeon is, itself, largely incompatible with the "rational
expectations" usage of the term "rational."
Yet, it is partly because economists have failed to broadly apply the
rational choice paradigm that Tullock has achieved some notoriety among
economists by reminding the profession of the limits of other
motivational theories; however, this is not because he believes that
humans have one-dimensional objective functions.8
Tullock's view of man also incorporates a richer model of self interest
than is included in most economic models. Although man is self-interested,
his interests are often complex and context dependent.9 Consequently,
Tullock rarely uses the simplest characterization of homoeconomicusas a
narrow self-interested "wealth maximizer." For example, Tullock allows the
possibility that a person's self-interest may be partly dependent on the
welfare of others. Modest altruism and envy are at least weakly supported
by evolution and therefore are likely to be present in human behavior.10
The evidence, however, leads Tullock to conclude that such "broader"
interests are less important than many believe. In the end, it is narrow
self-interest-based analyses that provide the surest model of human
behavior and, therefore, for institutional reform.11
If Buchanan's views may be said to be similar to those of James Madison,
it might be said that Tullock's view of man parallels those of George
Washington.12 Washington once said that to expect "ordinary people to be
in.uenced by any other principle but those of interest is to look for what
never did and I fear never will happen," (Johnson, 1997: 186) and also
that "few men have virtue to withstand the highest bidder." The paradox in
both cases is that neither men were themselves entirely motivated by
narrow self-interest.
C.Conflict and prosperity: On the cost and generality of rent seeking
"Conflict" is to be expected in all situations in which transfers or
redistribution occur, and in all situations in which problems of
distribution arise. In general, it is rational for individuals to invest
resources to either increase the transfers that they will receive or
prevent redistributions away from them. Thus, any transactions involving
distribution will lead to directly opposing resource investments and so
to con.ict by our de.nition." (TheSocialDilemma,1974: 6)
Take a rational individual and place him in a setting that includes other
individuals in possession of scarce resources, and most economists will
predict the emergence of trade. Economists are all familiar with the
Edgeworth box, which provides a convincing illustration of mutual gains
from exchange. Tullock would be inclined to predict con.ict. Scarcity
implies that individuals cannot achieve all of their objectives and that
essentially all individuals would be better off with additional resources;
however, it does not imply that voluntary exchange is the only method of
accomplishing this. Unfortunately, the economist's prediction that
unrealized gains will be realized through voluntary exchange follows only
in settings where changes in the distribution of resources can be
accomplished onlythrough voluntary means. In the absence of well-enforced
rights, the strong may simply take the "initial endowments" of the weak.13
Few modern political economists would disagree with such claims about
con.ict in a setting of anarchy, once reminded of the importance of
well-enforced property rights. However,
Tullockalsoarguesthatwastefulcon.ictalsotendstoemergeinsettingswhererightsareinitiallywellunderstoodandenforced.For
example, lawful means are routinely used to change existing property
rights assignments and the extent to which they are enforced - within
legislatures and court proceedings. In ordinary markets, there is con.ict
over the division of gains to trade and also in the efforts of .rms to
increase market share through advertising and product innovation. In
settled polities, con.ict is evident in the efforts of opposing special
interest groups to persuade legislatures to enact particular rules and
regulations, and in the efforts of opposing candidates to win elective
of.ce. In less lawful or settled settings, political and economic con.ict
may imply theft and fraud, or bombs exploding and battles fought. Tullock
often reminds us that con.ict is endemic to human existence.
Con.ict implies that resources are devoted to activities that reduce
rather than increase the output of .nal goods and services. These
"rent-seeking" losses cannot be entirely avoided, although the cost of
con.ict can be reduced by intelligent institutional design. For example,
the cost of con.ict is reduced by institutional arrangements that
encourage the accumulation of productive capital rather than investments
in redistribution.14 It bears noting that Tullock's conclusion regarding
the feasibility of institutional solutions is empirical rather than
analytical. Modern game theory suggests that perfect institutions cannot
be ruled out a priori - indeed for essentially any well-de.ned game of
con.ict, it can be shown analytically that a suitable bond or punishment
scheme can completely eliminate the losses from con.ict. As far as Tullock
knows, however, there are no real world institutional arrangements that
completely solve the problem of con.ict. What changes with institutions is
the magnitude and type of con.ict that takes place. That is to say,
con.ict appears to be the normal state of human affairs whether bound by
institutions or not. Theoretical solutions evidently underrepresent the
strategy sets available to persons in real historical settings.
3.Tullock's political economy
A. From the Hobbesian jungle to authoritarian government
"Let us make the simplest assumption of transition conditions from the
jungle to one where there is an enforcement apparatus. Assume, then, a
jungle in which there are some bands - like prides of lions - and that one
of these bands succeeds in destroying or enslaving all of the others, and
establishes .rm control. This control would, .rstly, lead to a
considerable change in the income distribution in the jungle in that the
members of the winning band would have much larger incomes and the losers
would have lower incomes. It would be rational for the stronger members of
the winning band to permit sizable improvements in the incomes of the
weaker members at the expense of nonmembers of the band, simply in order
to retain the support of these weak members. The cohesion of the new
government would depend on suitable reward for all members." (Gordon
Tullock, "The Edge of the Jungle," in ExplorationsintheTheoryofAnarchy,
1972: 70)
Tullock argues that government, itself, often emerges from con.ict. For
example, Tullock suggests that autocracy is the most likely form of
governance to emerge in real political settings. In this one might suppose
that Tullock agrees with Hobbes rather than with Buchanan, but neither
turns out to be the case. Tullock's theory of the origin of government is
based on conquest and domination rather than social contract.
The theoretical and empirical importance of authoritarian regimes has led
Tullock to devote substantial time and energy to analyzing the properties
of this very common political institution. His analysis of autocracy
implies that the rule of particular dictators tends to be short-lived,
although autocratic institutions themselves tend to be very durable.
Autocratic regimes have an inherent "stability problem" analogous to that
associated with coalition politics in democracies. Escape from anarchy
does not imply the end of con.ict, as indirectly suggested by Hobbes.15
This is not to say that every dictatorship is overthrown. Tullock
discusses a variety of methods by which dictators can decrease the
probability of coup d'état by in-house rivals, most of which, by
increasing the costs of conspiracy, also reduce the probability of a coup
attempt being organized. For example, laws against treason should be
aggressively enforced, rewards for providing the ruler(s) with creditable
evidence of conspiracies should be high, commissions rather than
individuals should be given responsibility for as much as possible, and
potential rivals should be exiled in a manner that reduces opportunities
for acquiring support among elites (Autocracy,1987: Ch. 1 and
TheSocialDilemma, 1974: Ch. 7). Nonetheless, the large personal advantage
that successful conspirators expect to realize make conspiracies dif.cult
to eliminate completely; consequently, coups do occur on a fairly regular
basis.
The dictator's coalition problem implies that a particular autocrat's
"term of of.ce" is likely to be ended by an internal overthrow, or coup
d'état (Autocracy, 1987: 9), and this is widely observed (Biennen and van
de Walle (1989).
However, the coalition problem does not apply to the institution of
autocratic governance, itself. Centralized political power will not be
given up easily, because political elites often share an interest in
retaining autocratic forms of governance, even when they disagree about
who should rule. Moreover, a well-informed autocrat can more easily
subvert a popular revolt than a coup d'état. The same methods used to
discourage palace coups also discourage popular revolts. Tullock argues
that popular uprisings are far more dif.cult to organize than are palace
coups, because the public-good problems that must be overcome are much
larger. The individual advantages of participating in a popular uprising
are very small relative to those obtained by members of a palace coup,
although the aggregate bene.ts may be much larger. Being larger
enterprises, revolutionary movements are also much easier to discover
(Autocracy,1987: Ch. 3 and ThePoliticsofBureaucracy, 1966: 54). Together
these imply that autocratic governmental institutions are more easily
protected than is the tenure of a particular dictator.16 Tullock's
analysis implies that democracy is a very unlikely form of government,
although not an impossible one. For example, Tullock notes that an
internal overthrow engineered by elites may lead to democracy, as when an
elected parliament or state assembly deposes a king or appointed governor,
and it may well be the case that such transformations are broadly
supported in the population as a whole (Autocracy,1987: 53-68). The
evidence supports
Tullock's authoritarian prediction, insofar as autocracies have been far
more common than democracies throughout recorded history.
B. Constitutional design
Given the historical rarity of democracy and Tullock's assessment of the
likelihood of democratic reform, it is somewhat surprising that Professor
Tullock has devoted so much of his intellectual life to understanding how
modern democracy operates and how it can be improved. The most likely
explanation is that knowledge of one's local political circumstances tends
to be valuable for scholars and non-scholars alike. Tullock, like most
other public choice scholars, resides in a democratic polity. And this, in
combination with the wider freedom available within democracies to engage
in political research, has led him and most other public choice scholars
to focus largely on the properties of democratic governance.17
When government policies are to be selected by a group, rather than
imposed by a dictator, the .rst collective choice that must be made is
the method of collective choice itself. How should such constitutional
decisions be made? Buchanan and Tullock point out in the
CalculusofConsent(1962) that the design and selection of collective
decision rules is a complex problem, but one that is amenable to analysis
using rational choice models.18 For example, Buchanan and Tullock note
that a wide variety of voting rules can be employed by a group to make
collective decisions and, moreover, that decision rules other than
majority rule can be in the interest of essentially all citizens. The best
decision rule depends on the problems being addressed collectively and
also on the diversity of group interests.
Buchanan and Tullock also point out that, even in cases where majority
rule is explicitly used and median voter outcomes emerge in the relevant
elections, other institutional arrangements, such as bicameralism or
single member districts, may imply that "majoritarian" legislative
outcomes require substantially more or less than majority support from the
electorate (CalculusofConsent: Chs. 15 and 16). In general, the menu of
political constitutions includes a wide range of choices, and even
majoritarian decisions are affected by the institutional setting in which
voting takes place. In subsequent work, Tullock argues that a far better
method of choice, the "Demand Revealing Procedure" (Tideman and Tullock,
1976), would not rely on counting votes at all.19
C. Interest groups, vote trading, and coalition politics
On those occasions when collective decisions are made by majority rule,
most economists assume that median voter interests tend to be advanced,
partly because the median voter model is so tractable.20 However, as
Tullock has long argued, most voting models assume that voters make
independent decisions about how to cast their votes.
Tullock (1959, 1970) points out that if vote trading (log rolling) is
possible, mutual gains from trade can sometimes be realized by
coordinating votes - mutual gains that would otherwise be infeasible. For
example, suppose there are three equal-sized groups of voters who care
intensely about three separate large-scale projects that can only be
.nanced by the central government, for example, building a dam, dredging a
river, or constructing a bridge. Tullock demonstrates that it may be
Pareto ef.cient to undertake all three projects, but the concentration of
bene.ts within minorities can cause ordinary majority rule to reject all
three projects. Vote trading in such instances potentially allows some or
all of the unrealized gains from government service to be realized.21 In
such cases, rather than appealing to the median voter, Tullock notes that
candidates may take positions that appeal to several distinct "special
interest" minorities that together add up to a majority.
Direct vote trades are most feasible in relatively small number settings,
as in legislatures, where continuous dealings allow informal exchanges of
"favors" to be enforced. In large-scale elections, explicit vote trading
is not likely to be a major factor in.uencing electoral outcomes, although
what Tullock refers to as implicit log rolling may be. Figure 1
illustrates the case in which extremist groups A and B join forces to
obtain policy X over the wishes of moderate voters who prefer policy B.
Figure1. Implicit log rolling
Such implicit vote trading, unfortunately, tends to be associated with
majoritarian decision cycles. That is to say, if implicit vote trading
can make a difference, there tends not to be a median voter. For example,
in Figure 1, note that pairwise votes among policies X, B, and Y would be
as follows: X > B, but Y > Xand B > Y.
D. Bureaucracy
Once legislative decisions are reached, they are normally implemented by
large government organizations referred to as bureaucracies. In some
cases, implementation is simply a matter of executing directives from
elected representatives. Activity A is to be of.cially opposed or
encouraged, and the bureaucracy implements the policy by imposing penalty
P or subsidy S on persons engaging in activity A. In other cases, the
bureaucracy has discretion to develop the policies themselves or the
methods by which services will be produced, as when police and .re
departments organize the production of crime-and .re-controlling services.
In still others, the agency may be able to develop the law itself - as
within regulatory agencies. In all such cases, it is clear that the .nal
disposition of public policy depends in part on the incentives of
individuals who work in government agencies as well as those of elected
representatives.
In Tullock's view, the incentives within large public and private
organizations are broadly similar, although they differ somewhat at the
margin (PoliticsofBureaucracy, 1966). Both public and private
bureaucracies have their own internal incentive structures that encourage
various kinds of productive and unproductive activities by the
individuals who work within them. These incentives in.uence both the
performance of individuals within organizations and the array of outputs
produced by their organizations.
Tullock argues that the importance of a particular organization's internal
incentives relative to the external incentives of labor markets is
determined by the ability of individual bureaucrats to move between
organizations. If every individual within a bureaucracy can costlessly
change jobs, intra-organizational reward structures would be relatively
unimportant for career advancement, and reputation in the wider community
would largely determine salaries. Alternatively, when it is dif.cult for
persons to move between organizations, the internal structure of internal
rewards and punishments becomes an important determinant of individual
salaries and perquisites, and, therefore, behavior (PoliticsofBureaucracy,
1966: 10).
In such cases, large organizations will have some monopsony power with
respect to their employees and internal incentives will largely determine
employee performance on the job.
Economics predicts that monopsony power will affect salaries and other
economic aspects of job contracts. However, the intra.rm relationships of
interest in Tullock's analysis are political, rather than economic. The
politicization of an organization's hierarchy creates a nonprice
mechanism by which hierarchical organizations can solve their coordination
and principal-agent problems. He argues that political aspects of
relationships within large organizations can be readily observed and, to
some extent, measured by "deference." The "deference" observed is
predicted to vary with the extent of monopsony power that a given
organization possesses.22 For example, insofar as mobility decreases with
seniority, Tullock's analysis predicts that deference would increase as
individuals approach the top of an organization's hierarchy.
The speci.c behavior that successfully curries favor or signals loyalty
clearly varies according to the "wishes" induced on a given agent's boss
by the boss's boss and so on. In principle, both public and private
organizations can be organized in an ef.cient manner, in the sense that
the organizational goals are advanced at least cost.23 However, incentives
to assure ef.ciency within the public bureaucracy tend to be smaller than
within large .rms. Wage differentials tend to be larger at the top levels
of private-sector organizations than in comparable public-sector
organizations; consequently, Tullock predicts that more deference occurs
in private than in comparable governmental organizations.24
Moreover, a public bureau's ef.ciency is generally more dif.cult to
assess, and there is substantially less motivation for improving the
performance of public bureaus than of comparable private bureaus within
large .rms.25 For these reasons, Tullock concludes that the public
bureaucracy tends to be less ef.cient than comparable organizations in the
private sector. What this means as a practical matter is that
organizational interests, as understood by senior bureaucrats and the
legislature, are advanced less in public bureaus than within comparable
organizations in the private sector.
Tullock's analysis implies that the ef.ciency of the public bureaucracy
can be improved if incentives to monitor public sector performance are
increased, or if external competitive pressures on bureaus are intensi.ed.
For example, Tullock argues that federalism can address both problems by
reducing the complexity (size and scope) of the government agencies to be
monitored (as local agencies replace national agencies) and by increasing
competition between public agencies - both directly through efforts of
localities to attract new residents and, indirectly, by comparison of the
outputs of neighboring bureaus - as with local school districts and
highway service departments.
E. Enforcing the law: The courts, crime, and criminals
"My readers are no doubt convinced by now that this book is different from
other books on legal procedure. They may be convinced that it is superior,
but, then again, they may not. I am proposing a radically different way
of looking at procedural problems, and anyone making radical proposals
must recognize the possibility that he could be wrong. But, although I
concede the possibility that I could be wrong, I do not think that I am."
(TrialsonTrial, 1980: 233)
Of course, the executive bureaucracy is not the only governmental
institution that affects legislative outcomes. Even within
well-functioning democracies, many policy-relevant decisions are made by
"independent" agencies. One crucial agency that is much neglected in the
public choice literature is the courts. Economics implies that
essentiallyalltheincentiveeffectsof public policy are generated by
enforcement - that is to say, by the probabilities of punishment and the
penalties associated with various kinds of private and public behavior.26
It is, thus, surprising that public choice scholars have invested so
little effort analyzing the law enforcement system. Ef.cient and equitable
enforcement of the law cannot be taken for granted.
Professor Tullock was a pioneer in the rational choice-based analysis of
the legal system, his LogicoftheLaw(1971) being published a year before
Posner's EconomicAnalysisoftheLaw(1972). Tullock's research on the legal
system re.ects his interest in political economy. His work focuses largely
on the problem of law enforcement, although the LogicoftheLawalso analyzes
both civil and criminal law. On the former subject, largely neglected by
Posner's treatise, Tullock reminds us that errors will always be made in
the enforcement of law.27 Not all criminals are caught, not all who are
caught are criminals, and not all of the guilty parties caught are
punished, nor all innocent parties released. Mistakes can be made at every
stage of the judicial process.28
With such errors in mind, Tullock explores the accuracy of institutions
that determine fault or guilt, and attempts to assess the overall
performance of the existing U. S. system of justice relative to
alternative procedures for identifying criminals and persons at fault.29
Tullock argues that the available evidence implies that the U.S. courts
make errors (wrongly determine guilt or innocence) in between 10% and 50%
of the cases that they decide (TrialsonTrial, 1980: 33). Of course, a
perfectly accurate justice system is impossible. The institutional or
constitutional question is not whether mistakes are made, but whether too
many (or too few) mistakes are being made. Improving the accuracy of court
proceedings can reduce the social cost of illegal activities by better
targeting sanctions at transgressors, which tends to reduce crime, and
encourage greater efforts to settle out of court, which tends to reduce
court costs (TrialsonTrial, 1980: 73-74).
Tullock argues that the system of justice presently used in the United
States can be improved at relatively low cost. He argues, for example,
that the continental judicial system widely employed in Europe produces
more accurate verdicts at a lower cost (TrialsonTrial, 1980, ch. 6). In
the continental system, panels of judges assess guilt or innocence and
mete out penalties in trials that are organized directly by the judges
rather than produced by con.ict between legal teams for the votes of jury
members. Accuracy could be further increased if the training of judges
included a "good background in statistics, economics, ideas of
administrative ef.ciency, etc." (TrialsonTrial, 1980: 204)
4. Conclusion and overview: Politicale conomy in the van
Tullock's work demonstrates that the rational choice paradigm sheds light
on a wide variety of political choice settings, but the world revealed is
fundamentally complex, varied, and irreducible. Each political setting
has its own unique constellation of incentives and constraints. Political
decisions at the constitutional level include voting rules, legislative
structure, the institutional structures of the bureaucracy, and the
courts. The public policies adopted within a given constitutional setting
must address issues of redistribution and revolution as well as ordinary
externality and coordination problems. Decisions reached within all these
settings can be understood as consequences of rational choice, but each
choice setting differs from the others and the differences have to be
taken into account if human behavior and policy outcomes are to be
understood. Individuals are rational and largely self-interested, but on
many issues will be rationally ignorant and, consequently, make systematic
mistakes.
This is not to say that there is nothing that can be said in general. Both
individual choices and political outcomes are the result of the same
fundamental considerations: self-interest, scarcity, and con.ict. And if
the particulars always differ, and are more than occasionally
breathtaking, the basic "lay of the Tullock landscape" is always vaguely
familiar.30
What is universal in Tullock's political economy is human nature. Tullock
believes that (fairly) narrow self-interest can account for a wide range
of human behavior, once individual interests are identi.ed for the
institutional settings of interest. It is his characterization of human
nature that provides Tullock's research in political economy with its
uni.ed and coherent core.
What is unique about Tullock's approach to political economy is his
willingness to identify costs and bene.ts in essentially all choice
settings, including many where more orthodox economists and political
scientists fear to tread. Tullock's work suggests that a proper
understanding of institutional settings allows relatively straightforward
net-bene.t maximizing models to account for a rich and complex range of
policy outcomes. A good deal of human behavior, perhaps most, can be
understood using the rational choice model of behavior, once the
particular costs and bene.ts of actions for a given institutional setting
are recognized.
A. Normative research
Although Tullock's work is motivated, in large part, by his efforts to
make sense of a broad range of historic and contemporary puzzles that have
come to his attention over the course of a lifetime of rapid and extensive
reading, his research has never aimed exclusively at understanding the
world. His books and many of his papers address normative as well as
positive issues.31 His normative approach is utilitarian and comparative,
and, for the most part, his normative conclusions follow closely from his
positive analyses. If he can show that the averageperson is better off
under institution X than under institution Y, he concludes that Y is a
better institution than X. In such cases, Y is approximately Pareto
superior to X.
Thus, a society with a stable criminal and civil law is better off than
one lacking them (LogicoftheLaw,1971, ch. 2). A society with a more
accurate judiciary is better off than one with a less accurate judicial
process (TrialsonTrial, 1980: Ch. 6). A society with an ef.cient
collective decision rule is better off than one that fails to minimize
decision costs (CalculusofConsent, 1962: Ch. 6). A society that uses the
demand-revealing process to make collective decisions would be better off
than one relying on majority rule (Tideman and Tullock, 1976). A society
that reduces rent-seeking losses is better off than one that fails to
address this problem (Ef.cientRentSeeking,2000: Ch. 1). Intelligent
institutional design can improve the ef.ciency of the judicial system,
reduce the losses from con.ict, and produce better public policies,
although it cannot eliminate all losses or mistakes.
Although many normative arguments are found throughout Tullock's work, his
analysis is never utopian. He never claims that institutional arrangement
Y is the best possible arrangement, only that existing arrangements can be
improved. Indeed, he argues that utopian approaches may impede useful
reforms (SocialDilemma, 1974, p. 140).
B. Breadth of Tullock's research
Most economists study the behavior of rational self-interested individuals
interacting within a stable pattern of laws and regulations governing
ownership and exchange. Most political scientists study individual and
group behavior within a stable pattern of constitutional laws and rules
governing political procedures and constraints. The public choice
literature as a whole analyzes how economic and political interests give
rise to public policies. The public policies studied by public choice
scholars include both the routine legislative outcomes of ordinary
day-to-day politics and administration decisions, and also changes in the
fundamental laws that determine the procedures and constraints under
which future political and economic decision making will be made. The
political and economic processes studied by public choice scholars, thus,
can be said to generate the "settings" and many of the "facts" studied by
the more established .elds of economics and political science.
In this respect, public choice can be regarded as broaderin scope than
either of its parent disciplines, and, consequently, a scholar who
contributes to all the research programs within public choice necessarily
has a very broad program of research. Gordon Tullock is one of a handful
of scholars who has contributed to all the various sub.elds in that area
of research known as public choice.
Of course, the public choice research program includes many men and women
of insight who have addressed deep and broad issues along the same
intellectual frontiers. Professor Tullock's intellectual enterprise has
long been shared by his colleagues at the Thomas Jefferson Center and the
Center for Study of Public Choice - especially James Buchanan and Robert
Tollison - and by many in the extensive intellectual network in which
those centers participated. However, Tullock's work is nearly unique
among the well-known pioneers of public choice for its originality,
breadth, comparative approach, and historical foundations.
C. Tullock's intellectual impact
In constructing a "road map" for the intellectual landscape traversed by
Professor Tullock's political economy, the focus of this paper has been
the underlying themes in his work, and, in some cases, it has attempted to
bridge gaps in his work that are essentially implied by the totality of
his political economy research.
Other gaps have been ignored, and some of his work outside public choice
has been neglected. For example, his work on dictatorship does not examine
why some autocrats have better track records than others. The relative
performance of American and European judicial systems is developed
without addressing the empirical questions of whether crime rates or
lawsuits are systematically different as a consequence of different
judicial procedures. Hints are provided in Autocracyand LogicoftheLawbut
there is no systematic analysis. Moreover, some of his work has been
neglected because it is not an essential part of his political economy
research program. There is, for example, his work on biology and
sociobiology, The Economics of Nonhuman Societies (1994), and his work on
monetary economics (1954, 1979).
The survey undertaken has not devoted signi.cant space to assessing the
quality and impact of Tullock's work. That most readers of this piece are
already familiar with many of his scholarly articles is itself evidence of
this. A "tour guide" of Tullock's work would have tried to assess the
magnitude of his major contributions with the bene.t of hindsight or from
the perspective of the times at which his ideas were developed. It is
clear, for example, that The Calculus of Consent(1962), written with James
Buchanan, was not only very original, but in.uential from the moment it
was published. The Calculus has been cited in scienti.c articles well over
a thousand times since its publication. Moreover, it continues to be
highly regarded and continues to spur new research; the Calculus has
already been cited more than 100 times since January 2000.
Not all of Professor Tullock's contributions have been immediately
recognized. Several of his ideas awaited reinvention by other scholars
before coming to prominence. His original work on rent seeking (1967,
1974) was well-regarded, but not widely appreciated until 10 or 20 years
after its pub-lication.32 The term "rent seeking" was actually coined by
Anne Krueger in 1974. His contributions to principal-agent, ef.ciency
wage, and organization theory worked out in the
PoliticsofBureaucracy(1966) have been largely neglected by the new
literatures on those subjects. His work on the law, especially with
respect to judicial proceedings, errors, and criminal sanctions, are
noted, but not as widely as appears justi.ed. His theory of autocrats as
service-providing income maximizers was worked out in the .rst anarchy
volume (1972) and further developed in TheSocialDilemma(1974), but awaited
rediscovery by Mancur Olson (1993) and Ronald Wintrobe (1990) nearly two
decades later. The invention of what now is called a contest-success
function in TheLogicoftheLaw(1971) and subsequently applied in his work on
ef.cient rent seeking (1980) also seems underrecognized, although it is
noted by Jack Hirshliefer (2001). His work on the enterprise of science,
The Organization of Inquiry(1966) is a gold mine awaiting rediscovery.
Sometimes, Tullock blazes a trail that is too far ahead of the mainstream
to be fully appreciated. And, one can be too far in front of "the parade"
to be readily associated with it.
That Tullock's observations have contributed much to our understanding of
the political landscape is, nonetheless, well recognized. His research
continues to be among the most highly cited in the social sciences. His
willingness to chart new grounds and point out the "dead ends," "ruts,"
"potholes," and "slippery slopes" of other scholars - largely to our
bene.t, if often at his pleasure - continues to make his work provocative
and entertaining. His books and papers address new issues and associated
problems at the same time that general principles are being worked out.
His long editorship of PublicChoicehelped to de.ne and establish the .eld.
The huge range of original explanations and conclusions that Tullock
develops in his books and papers can easily lead a casual reader or
listener to conclude that there is little systematic in his research, or
perhaps in public choice generally. His brisk discussions of issues risk
losing the reader in a forest of special cases and ingenious insights,
rather than illuminating the main pathways followed. Clearly, a mere list
of possible explanations is not social science. Social sciencedoes not
simply provide an unconnected logicof speci.c instances of collective
action, but attempts to determine what is general about the behavior that
we observe.
The present essay attempts to remedy this potential misapprehension by
providing a more concise and integrated vision of the territory charted by
Tul-lock's unusually extensive political economy than a casual reader may
have obtained from a small sample of Professor Tullock's published work.
The aim of Tullock's social science is not just to explain the main
details of social life, but as much as possibly can be understood. His
social science attempts to systematically explain and predict
allofhumanbehavior. His work demonstrates that self-interest, con.ict,
and institutions account for a good deal of human behavior in both
ordinary and extraordinary political circumstances - and, in Tullock's
view, far more than is generally acknowledged.
Notes
1. The work of many social scientists attempts to show that complex real
world phenomena can be understood with a few fundamental principles that
others have failed to recognize. This reductionist approach attempts to
demonstrate that the world is essentially simpler than it appears. The
reductionist research agenda is clearly of great esthetic interest for
academics who appreciate the intellectual craftsmanship required to devise
lean, penetrating, encompassing theories. It is also an important
practical enterprise insofar as reductionist theories allow knowledge
accumulated over many lifetimes to be passed on from one generation to the
next with relatively modest investments of time and effort by teachers and
students.
2. As many who have argued with Professor Tullock over the years will
attest, the rough edges of his work somehow make his analyses all the more
interesting. His provocative theoretical and historical assertions
challenge his interlocutors to think more carefully about issues that they
would not have imagined and/or mistakenly taken for granted. The fact that
Tullock is occasionally incorrect somehow helps stimulate his fans and
foes to greater effort.
3. "A scienti.c theory consists of a logical structure proceeding from
certain assumptions to certain conclusions. We hope that both the
assumptions and the conclusions may be checked by comparing them with the
real world; the more highly testable the theory, the better. Normally,
however, certain parts of the theory are dif.cult to test. We are not
unduly concerned by this, since if parts of it survive tests, we may
assume that the untestable remainder is also true." (Gordon Tullock,
LogicoftheLaw, 1971: 10.)
4. "The theory of the lever may, of course, be disproved tomorrow, but the
fact that it has withstood two thousand years of critical examination,
much of it using tools which the Greeks could not even dream of, does
raise some presumption that here we have a bit of theory which is
absolutely true. It seems likely that somewhere in our present vast
collection of theories there are others which are, in fact, true, that is
which will not be disproved at any time in the future. It is, of course,
impossible to say which they are." (Gordon Tullock, OrganizationofInquiry,
1966: 48.)
5. "An intelligent outsider who has the time and interest in a problem
should investigate, himself, since only in this way can he reach the level
of certainty of the experts themselves. Personal knowledge is always
superior to hearsay, ..." (Gordon Tullock, The Organization of Inquiry,
1966: 53.)
6. "I prefer to use the world rational' for those acts that might well
achieve the goals to which the actor aims, regardless of whether they are
humanitarian, violent, etc." (Gordon Tullock, TheSocialDilemma, 1974: 4.)
7. Tullock often acknowledges his own fallibility although he does not
tout it. This is evident in the lead quote and several others included in
the text. Another appears in the .rst chapter of
TowardsaMathematicsofPolitics.There he relates a story about failing to
purchase glasses made out of a new material when it was .rst suggested to
him by his optometrist. Gordon, evidently misunderstood what was said
regarding an innovation in lens design, and fully appreciated it only a
week or so later, at which point he purchased the glasses with the
recommended lenses.
8. "My main point is simply that we stop fooling ourselves about
redistribution. We have a minor desire to help the poor. This leads to
certain government policies. We also have some desire for income
insurance. And we also, to some extent, envy the rich. ...[However,] the
largest single source of income redistribution is simply the desire of the
recipients to receive the money." (Gordon Tullock, "The Rhetoric and
Reality of Redistribution," Southern Economic Journal, 1981: 906.)
9. "Man is a complicated animal and his motives are many and varied".
(Gordon Tullock, The Organization of Inquiry, 1966: 39.)
10. "We argue below that it (altruism) is a relatively minor motive and
the major motives tend to lead to inef.ciency and distortion. This motive
(altruism), insofar as it is implemented, actually improves the ef.ciency
of the economy." (Gordon Tullock, "The Rhetoric and Reality of
Redistribution," SouthernEconomicJournal, 1981: 896.) Of course, if envy
is strong enough, then taking a dollar away from me might give other
people a total satisfaction which was larger than the loss of the dollar
to me. Thus plundering the Rockefeller family might be socially desirable
if we had some way of measuring innate utilities." (Gordon Tullock, "The
Rhetoric and Reality of Redistribution," SouthernEconomicJournal, 1981:
902.)
11. "The primacy of private interest is not inconsistent with the
observation that most people, in addition to pursuing their private
interests have some charitable instincts, some tendency to help others
and to engage in various morally correct activities. However the evidence
seems fairly strong that these motives other than the pursuit of private
interests are not the ones on which we can depend for the achievement of
long-continued ef.cient performance." (Gordon Tullock,
GovernmentWhoseObedientServant?, 2000: 11.)
12. A collection of Washington quotes are available on the internet at
http://www.dropbears. com/b/broughsbooks/qwashington.htm.
13. "Economics has traditionally studied the bene.ts of cooperation.
Political science is beginning to move in that direction. Although I
would not quarrel with the desirability of such studies, the fact remains
that con.ict is also important. In general con.ict uses resources, hence
it is socially inef.cient, but entering into the con.ict may be
individually rational for one or both parties. ...The social dilemma,
then, is that we would always be better off collectively if we could avoid
playing this kind of negative sum game, but individuals may make gains by
forcingsuchagameon the rest of us." (Gordon Tullock, The Social Dilemma,
1974: 2.)
14. "Obviously, as a good social policy, we should try to avoid having
games that are likely to lead to this kind of waste. Again, we should try
to arrange that the payoff to further investment in resources is
comparatively low, or, in other words, that the cost curve [of rent
seeking] points sharply upward." (Gordon Tullock, Ef.cientRentSeeking,
2000: 13.) "There are institutions that will reduce the likelihood of
being forced into such a game, but these institutions cost resources, too.
...[However] the problem is unavoidable - at least in the present state of
knowledge. Pretending that it does not exist is likely to make us worse
off than conceding its existence and taking rational precautions." (Gordon
Tullock, TheSocialDilemma, 1974: 2.)
15. "The problem of maintaining power in a dictatorship is really similar
to that of maintaining a majority for redistributive purposes in a voting
body. It is easily demonstrated, of course, that it is always possible to
build a majority against any particular program of redistribution by
offering something to the "outs" on the original program and fairly high
payments to a few of the "ins." The situation in a dictatorship is
similar. It is always possible at least in theory to collect together a
group of people which is more powerful than the group supporting the
status quo. This group will be composed of important of.cials of the
regime who could bene.t from its overthrow and their concomitant
promotion." (Gordon Tullock, Autocracy, 1987: 19.)
16. "Preventing overthrow by the common people is, in general, quite easy
if the ruler is only willing to repress vigorously and to offer large
rewards for information about conspiracies against him." (Gordon Tullock,
Autocracy, 1987: 68.)
17. Tullock may disagree with this location-based explanation. "Most of my
work in Public Choice has dealt with democratic governments. This is not
because I thought that democratic governments were the dominant form of
government, either currently or historically. That more people are ruled
by autocracy than democracies today, and that the same can be said of
earlier periods, is obvious. I did think that democratic governments were
better than the various alternatives which have been tried from time to
time, but the basic reason that most things that I have published have
dealt with democracies is simply that I've found dictatorship to be a
very, very dif.cult problem." (Gordon Tullock, Autocracy, 1987: x.)
18. "For a given activity, the fully rational individual at the time of
constitutional choice will try to choose that decision-making rule which
will minimize the present value of the expected costs that he must suffer.
He will do so by minimizing the sum of the expected external costs and the
expected decision-making costs . . . [In this manner,] the individual will
choose the rule which requires that K/N of the group agree when collective
decisions are made." (Gordon Tullock and James M. Buchanan,
CalculusofConsent, 1962: 70.) "This broad ...classi.cation does not, of
course, suggest that all collective action should rationally be placed
under one of two decision making rules. The number of categories, and the
number of decision-making rules chosen, will depend on the situation which
the individual expects to prevail and the "returns to scale' expected to
result from using the same rule over many activities." (Gordon Tullock and
James M. Buchanan, CalculusofConsent, 1962: 76.)
19. In their words, the demand-revealing process "is a new process for
making social choices, one that is superior to other processes that have
been suggested. The method is immune to strategic maneuvering on the part
of individual voters. It avoids the conditions of the Arrow theorem by
using more information than the rank orders of preferences and selects a
unique point on or almost on' the Pareto-optimal frontier, one that
maximizes or almost maximizes' the consumer surplus of society. Subject
to any given distributions of wealth, the process may be used to
approximate the Lindahl equilibrium for all public goods." (Tideman and
Tullock, JournalofPoliticalEconomy, 84: 1145.)
20. An interesting property of the median voter hypothesis is that
decisions tend to be largely independent of the particulars of the
interests of voters away from the median (Black, 1948). All that matters
is that which is necessary to identify the median voter. How much more or
less than the median voter's interest is demanded by other voters and how
intensively those demands are held is irrelevant. A wide range of voter
distributions can have the same median. However, not every distribution of
voter preferences has a median. In the absense of a median, McKelvy (1979)
demonstrates that literally "anything" can happen under a sequence of
majority decisions. The properties of democratic governance are by no
means obvious, and the more detailed the institutional structures and
preferences that are taken account of, the more complex political decision
making becomes.
21. Vote trading can also lead to the funding of regional boon-doggles, as
in the pork barrel dilemma (Tullock, 1959). Again the world is more
complex than one might have hoped.
22. "Insofar as the alternatives for employment are limited, and the
shifting of either jobs or employees involves costs, the secondary, or
political' relationship enters even here. ...The most obvious empirical
veri.cation of this difference is the degree of deference shown to
superiors." (Gordon Tullock, ThePoliticsofBureaucracy, 1966: 11.)
23. "In the ideally ef.cient organization, then, the man dominated by
ambition would .nd himself taking the same courses of action as an
idealist simply because such procedure would be the most effective for him
in achieving the personal goals that he seeks. At the other extreme, an
organization may be so badly designed that an idealist may .nd it
necessary to take an almost completely opportunistic position because only
in this manner can his ideals be served." (Gordon Tullock,
ThePoliticsofBureaucracy, 1965, p. 21.)
24. "In the United States civil service, the individual career employee is
generally not expected to put up with quite as much pushing around' as
he might endure in the higher ranks of some large corporations. To balance
this, he will be receiving less salary and will probably .nd that the
orders which he is expected to implement are less rational than those he
could expect to receive in private industry." (Gordon Tullock,
ThePoliticsofBureaucracy, 1966: 12.)
25. "Improving the ef.ciency of a large corporation by, let us say, 2
percent may well mean that some individual's wealth goes up by $50 million
and a very large number of individuals will have increases in wealth on
the order of a hundred to a million dollars. Maximizing the public
interest, however, would always be a public good, and improvement by 2
percent in the functioning ef.ciency of some bureau would
characteristically increase the well-being of average citizens, or,
indeed, any citizen by amounts which would be almost invisible." (Gordon
Tullock, Government:WhoseObedientServant?, 2000: 58.)
26. It bears noting that many of the demands for public policy within a
given society are independent of the type of political regime in place.
For example, criminal and civil laws would be adopted by nearly unanimous
agreement by all free men and women at a constitutional convention
(Calculus of Consent,1962: Ch. 5, and Logic of the Law, 1971: Ch. 2).
Alternatively, an autocrat may establish criminal and civil law as a means
of maximizing the resources potentially available to the state
(Explorations in the Theory of Anarchy, 1972: 72, and The Social Dilemma,
1974: 19). Murder and theft will ordinarily be punished, and most
contracts will be enforced under both democratic and autocratic regimes.
Some other rules may vary somewhat according to regime type, as with rules
concerning payments to government of.cials, freedom of assembly, and the
publication of news critical of the government, but regime type will not
always directly affect public policy outcomes or economic performance.
27. Of course, procedural questions are more important for a political
economist than for a scholar whose work focuses on a single society. This
probably explains why procedural aspects of law enforcement are given
relatively little attention in the law and economics literature, see, for
example, Becker (1968) or Posner (1972).
28. "Most crimes are not simply the preliminary to punishment for the
criminals, most people who are in prison have not had anything that we
would recognize as a trial, and administrative decisions keep people in
prison and (in effect) extend their sentence." (Gordon Tullock,
LogicoftheLaw, 1971: 169.)
29. "The problem of determining what actually happened is one of the
court's duties and the only one we are discussing now. A historic
reconstruction, which is what we are now talking about, is a dif.cult task
for a variety of reasons. One is that witnesses lie and in lawsuits, there
usually are at least some witnesses who have a strong motive to lie. They
may also simply be mistaken. Another reason is that many things which
happen that are of interest to the court leave no physical traces and,
indeed, may leave no traces on the minds of the parties...different cases
have different amounts of evidence of varying quality available, and
...this evidence leads us to varying probabilities of reaching the correct
decision." (Gordon Tullock, Trials on Trial, 1980: 25-26.)
30. This is especially true for those working in the tradition of the
public choice approach to politics. However, the latter is partly a
consequence of Tullock's many contributions to public choice, but, perhaps
even more so, a consequence of his two decades as editor of the journal
PublicChoice. Those years largely de.ned the discipline as we know it now,
and Tullock's editorial decisions helped determine those boundaries - such
as they are - and his responses to contributors made his world view both
familiar and important to aspiring public choice scholars of that period.
31. "We undertake investigations because we are curious, or because we
hope to use the information obtained for some practical purpose." (Gordon
Tullock, 1966, OrganizationofInquiry, 1966: 12.)
32. In fact, his .rst paper on the costly nature of efforts to secure
rents (1967) was roundly rejected by the major economics journals (Brady
and Tollison, 1994: 9-10).
References
Selected references: Gordon Tullock.
Lockard, A.A. and Tullock, G. (2001). Efficient rent seeking: Chronicle of
an intellectual quagmire. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Tullock, G., Seldon, A. and Brady, G.L. (2000). Government: Whose obedient
servant?: A primer in public choice. London: Institute of Economic
Affairs. Tullock, G. (1997). Thecaseagainstthecommonlaw. Durham: North
Carolina Academic Press.
Tullock, G. (1997). Economics of income redistribution. Boston: Kluwer
Academic Publishers.
Brady, G.L. and Tollison, R.D. (Eds.). (1994). On the trail of homo
economicus: Essays by Gordon Tullock. Fairfax, VA: George Mason University
Press.
Tullock, G. (1994). The economics of nonhuman societies. Tucson: Pallas
Press.
Grier, K.B. and Tullock, G. (1989). An empirical analysis of
cross-national economic growth, 1951-80. Journal of Monetary Economics 24:
259-276.
Tullock, G. (1989). The economics of special privilege and rent seeking.
Hingham, MA: Lancaster and Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Tullock, G. (1987). Autocracy. Hingham, MA: Lancaster and Dordrecht:
Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Tullock, G. (1986). The economics of wealth and poverty. New York: New
York University Press; (distributed by Columbia University Press).
Tullock, G. (1985). Adam Smith and the prisoners' dilemma, Quarterly
Journal of Economics 100: 1073-1081.
McKenzie, R.B. and Tullock, G. (1985). The new world of economics:
Explorations into the human experience. Homewood, IL: Irwin.
Brennan, G. and Tullock, G. (1982). An economic theory of military
tactics: Methodological individualism at war. Journal of Economic Behavior
and Organization 3: 225-242.
Tullock, G. (1981). The rhetoric and reality of redistribution. Southern
Economic Journal 47: 895-907.
Tullock, G. (1981). Why so much stability? Public Choice 37: 189-202.
Tullock, G. (1980). Trials on trial: The pure theory of lega lprocedure.
New York: Columbia University Press.
Tullock, G. (1980). Ef.cient rent seeking. In J.M. Buchanan, R.D.
Tollison, and G. Tullock. Toward a theory of the rent-seeking society,
97-112. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.
Tullock, G. (1979). When is in.ation not in.ation: A note. Journal of
Money, Credit, and Banking 11: 219-221.
Tullock, G. (1977). Economics and sociobiology: A comment. Journal of
Economic Literature 15: 502-506.
Tideman, T.N. and Tullock, G. (1976). A new and superior process for
making social choices. Journal of Political Economy 84: 1145-1159.
Tullock, G. (1975). The transitional gains trap. Bell Journal of Economics
6: 671-678.
Buchanan, J.M. and Tullock, G. (1975). Polluters' pro.ts and political
response: Direct controls versus taxes. American Economic Review 65:
139-147.
Tullock, G. (1974). The social dilemma: The economics of war and
revolution. Blacksburg: University Publications.
Tullock, G. (1972). Explorations in the theory of anarchy. Blacksburg:
Center for the Study of Public Choice.
Buchanan, J.M. and Tullock, G. (1971/1962). Thecalculusofconsent: Logical
foundations of constitutional democracy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press.
Tullock, G. (1971). The charity of the uncharitable. Western Economic
Journal 9: 379-392.
Tullock, G. (1971). Inheritance justi.ed. Journal of Law and Economics 14:
465-474.
Tullock, G. (1971). The paradox of revolution. Public Choice 11: 88-99.
Tullock, G. (1971). Public decisions as public goods. Journal of Political
Economy 79: 913- 918.
Tullock, G. (1971/1988). The logic of the law. Fairfax: George Mason
University Press.
Tullock, G. (1967). The general irrelevance of the general impossibility
theorem. Quarterly Journal of Economics 81: 256-270.
Tullock, G. (1967). The welfare costs of monopolies, tariffs and theft.
Western Economic Journal 5: 224-232.
Tullock, G. (1967). Towards a mathematics of politics. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press.
Tullock, G. (Ed.). (1966/7). Papers on non-market decision making.
Charlottesville: Thomas Jefferson Center for Political Economy, University
of Virginia.
Tullock, G. (1966). The Organization of Inquiry. Durham: Duke University
Press.
Tullock, G. (1966). Gains-from-trade in votes (with J.M. Buchanan). Ethics
76: 305-306.
Tullock, G. (1965). The politics of bureaucracy. Washington, DC: Public
Affairs Press.
Tullock, G. (1965). Entry barriers in politics. American Economic
Review55: 458-466.
Tullock, G. (1962). Entrepreneurial politics.Charlottesville: Thomas
Jefferson Center for Studies in Political Economy, University of Virginia.
Tullock, G. (1959). Problems of majority voting. Journal of
PoliticalEconomy 67: 571-579.
Campbell, C.D. and Tullock, G. (1954). Hyperin.ation in China, 1937-49.
Journal of Political Economy 62: 236-245.
Other references
Becker, G.S. (1968). Crime and punishment: An economic approach. The
Journal of Political Economy 76: 169-217.
Biennen, H. and van de Walle, N. (1989). Time and power in Africa.
American Political Science Review 83: 19-34.
Black, D. (1948). On the rationale of group decision-making. Journal of
Political Economy 56: 23-34.
Buchanan, J.M. (1987). The qualities of a natural economist. In C. Rowley
(Ed.), Democracy and public choice, 9-19. New York: Blackwell.
Congleton, R.D. (1988). An overview of the contractarian public .nance of
James Buchanan. Public Finance Quarterly 16: 131-157.
Congleton, R.D. (1980). Competitive process, competitive waste, and
institutions. In J. Buchanan, R. Tollison, and G. Tullock (Eds.), Towards
a theory of the rent-seeking society, 153-179. Texas A & M Press.
Hirshliefer, J. (2001). The dark side of the force: Economic foundations
of con.ict theory. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Johnson, P. (1997). A history of the American people. New York: Harper.
Krueger, A.O. (1974). The political economy of the rent-seeking society.
American Economic Review 64: 291-303.
McKelvey, R.D. (1979). General conditions for global intransitivities in
formal voting models. Econometrica 47: 1085-1112.
Olson, M. (1993). Dictatorship, democracy, and development. American
Political Science Review 87: 567-576.
Posner, R.E. (1972). Economic analysis of the law. Boston: Little, Brown
and Company.
Shepsle, K.A. and Weingast, B.R. (1981). Structure-induced equilibrium and
legislative choice. Public Choice 37: 503-519.
Wintrobe, R. (1990). The tinpot and the totalitarian: An economic theory
of dictatorship. American Political Science Review 84: 849-872.
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