[Paleopsych] Public Choice: Anyone for higher speed limits?
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Tue Jan 3 22:28:49 UTC 2006
Olof Johansson-Stenman and Peter Martinsson: Anyone for higher speed
limits? - Self-interested and adaptive political preferences
Public Choice (2005) 122: 319-331 C
[This is a nice article that gets at the issue of whether voters vote for
what is in their own self-interest or what they think is in the overall
public interest. I say vote for what's in your own interest, since you
don't know what's in others' interest, certainly not better than they do
themselves. It's the American way, that idea that government serve
the people. One chief problem of altruism is that, if I am to serve other
people, who are all these other people going to serve.
[One matter of surprise to me: "The result presented here is also
consistent with the result of Hemenway and Solnick (1993) and Shinar,
Schechtman and Compton (2001), who found that levels of education higher
than high-school tended to increase the probability of speed violation."
[But be wary of the article, though, since the variables explained only
20% of the variance. There's a real likelihood that, if someone will come
up with other variables that will explain more of the variance, the
coefficients on the ones used here could get drastically altered. One of
the critics of _The Be** Cu**e_ complained that the authors often buried
the R^2s in the back, and in fact the R^2s varied all over the place.
[Note that I said, "IF someone will come up with other variables....
Researchers use the variables they can get ahold of. What _The B*ll C*rv*_
did was to thoroughly mine a data set, that collected for the National
Longitudinal Study of Youth, that almost uniquely had a measure of
intelligence. The results are known: IQ correlated more with things like
income and scholastic achievement than do the usual Socioeconomic status,
parental income, and so on. I'd love to know whether having an IQ measure
upset any conventional wisdom on these other factors.
[When I was in graduate school at UVa, self-interested voting was
emphasized and expressive voting barely recognized. I was Virginia School.
The Rochester School (William Riker and then others) came along later. It
was in political science but used economics tools. It emphasised
disinterested voting. These two Schools were never, I don't think, hostile
toward one another, and this article shows that the issues are empirical.]
Department of Economics, SE 40530 Göteborg, Sweden; e-mail:
Olof.Johansson at economics.gu.se, Peter.Martinsson at economics.gu.se
Accepted 17 November 2003
Abstract. Swedish survey-evidence indicates that variables reflecting
self-interest are important in explaining people's preferred speed limits,
and that political preferences adapt to technological development. Drivers
who believe they drive better than the average driver as well as drivers
of cars that are newer (and hence safer), bigger, and with better high-
speed characteristics, prefer higher speed limits. In contrast, elderly
people prefer lower speed limits. Furthermore, people report that they
themselves vote more sociotropically than they believe others vote on
average, indicating that we may vote less sociotropically than we believe
ourselves. One possible reason for such self-serving biases is that people
desire to see themselves as socially responsible.
*We are grateful for very constructive comments from an anonymous referee.
We have also received useful comments from Fredrik Carlsson and had
fruitful discussions with Per Fredriksson and Douglas Hibbs. Financial
support from the Swedish Agency for Innovation Systems (VINNOVA) is
The purpose of this paper is twofold: i) to use survey evidence about what
speed limits different people prefer on motorways, and what their own
subjectively perceived and self-reported voting motives are, in order to
provide new insight into the determinants of individual voting behavior,
in particular the self-interested voting hypothesis; and ii) to identify
adaptations in political preferences due to technological development, in
our case changes in safety and high-speed features of cars. The analysis
is based on two recent representative Swedish surveys: In the first one
people were asked about their preferred speed limits on motorways. In the
second they were asked about why they vote as they do, and about why they
think other people vote as they do.
Why do people vote in the way they do and why do they vote at all? One
reason for the latter is simply that we are heavily indoctrinated to do
so; c.f. Tullock (2000). But is how we vote motivated solely by the
instrumental outcome induced by our votes? Or are we perhaps, as proposed
by Brennan and Lomasky (1993) and Brennan and Hamlin (1998, 2000),
motivated largely by the expressive act of voting? If the expressive
motive is important it becomes more likely that people are concerned with
society as a whole when voting, rather than what is good solely for
themselves.1 Indeed, as found by Brekke, Kverndokk and Nyborg (2003), most
people seem to prefer a self-image that reflects social responsibility,
rather than pure self-concern. The relative importance of purely
self-interested voting, versus sociotropic voting, is still debated. This
is partly because it is difficult to draw strong conclusions from general
elections that are characterized by few political parties (or candidates)
and many political issues and indicators; see e.g. Kinder and Kiewiet
(1979), Kramer (1983) and Mitchell (1990). The reason for this is that
some opinions of one party may favour a certain group while other opinions
may favour other groups, and it is difficult to know the relative weights
that different voters give to the different opinions of the parties. Thus,
there are clear advantages to be gained from testing the self-interested
voting model when the choice set is small and when there are few political
issues, such as on a single-issue referendum or by using tailor-made
Smith (1975) analyzed the voting behavior from a referendum in Oregon
concerning tax equalization between different districts, and concluded
that self-interest does seem to play an important role. Sears, Lau, Tyler
and Allen (1980), on the other hand, analyzed survey data on people's
attitudes toward specific policies in the US, and concluded that
self-interest plays a very minor role. However, their conclusions, based
on their statistical results, can be questioned: for example, they found
that the support for a national health insurance decreased with income and
increased with age, and that the support for more resources to be given to
law and order increased with income, but these findings were not
interpreted to reflect self-interest. Nevertheless, there have also been
other studies such as Gramlich and Rubinfeld (1982) and Shabman and
Stephenson (1994) that have concluded that self-interest alone does a poor
job of explaining the results. These findings are also consistent with
much experimental evidence from public-good games; see e.g. Ledyard (1995)
and Keser and van Winden (2000).
Much of the analysis here is based on the first survey about the preferred
speed limits on motorways, which is an issue that has been frequently
debated for a long time in Sweden. Besides being a single issue, it has
the advantage of being fairly neutral from an ethical point of view,
meaning that the opinion of good and responsible citizens is not
straightforward to predict.2 Survey responses can otherwise be biased
towards what is perceived to be the most ethical alternative, which is an
argument that for example is put forward in the environmental valuation
literature. A possible underlying reason for this bias, in turn, is that
people typically attempt to present themselves in a positive manner to
others, which implies that we sometimes deliberately conceal or colour our
true opinions or preferences, i.e. what Kuran (1995) denotes "preference
falsifications." An alternative reason is our desire to see ourselves as
good people, and our tendency to bias our impressions of reality in
various respects to maintain or improve this self-image (see e.g.
Gilovich, 1991). Such tendencies may, for example, influence people to
believe that they would be willing to pay more for a socially good cause
than they would actually be willing to pay, which is denoted "purchase of
moral satisfaction" by Kahneman and Knetsch (1992).
In order to broaden the insights on voting motives, we also performed a
second survey where a representative sample of Swedes was asked about why
they vote as they do, and why they think other people vote as they do.
This allows us to compare the findings about the preferred speed limits
with the perception that people have of their own and others' voting
motives. The reason we also asked about the perception of others' voting
motives is the one just mentioned, i.e. that we suspected that the
responses may be biased since most people would presumably consider voting
out of conviction to be ethically superior to voting solely for one's own
Given that self-interest is important for the political preferences, one
would from the general self-interested hypothesis expect people with more
exclusive and safer cars, and with higher subjective driving skills, to
prefer relatively high speed limits, and elderly and more vulnerable
people to prefer lower speed limits. In addition, one would expect people
who drive faster, and who break the speed limits more often to prefer
higher speed limits. The results, reported in Section 2, are consistent
with these hypotheses. One would also expect that these preferences would
change with changing circumstances. Indeed, behavioural adaptations in
response to perceived changes in the environment are among the most
important insights that modern economics can contribute to the public
debate. For example, a safety improvement in cars of, say, 10% may cause a
much smaller net effect on safety, since safer cars may induce people to
drive faster and less responsibly; see Peltzman (1975), Keeler (1994),
Peterson, Hoffer and Millner (1995) and Merrel, Poitras and Sutter (1999)
for theoretical analysis as well as empirical evidence. This paper will
concentrate on another kind of adjustment, namely how political
preferences with respect to preferred speed limits on motorways change
with the rapid technological development of private cars. The data used
here is not ideal in this respect, since the survey is purely
cross-sectional. Nevertheless, it is still possible to see whether the
results are consistent with the hypothesis of adjustments of political
preferences. If people demand higher speed limits when their cars get
safer and have better high-speed characteristics, one would expect from
the empirical analysis that more people would be in favour of increasing
speed limits rather than decreasing them, since these limits were decided
upon many years ago,3 and also that individuals with newer cars would
prefer higher speed limits. This is also found in our empirical analysis.
It is interesting to compare the obtained motives that can be inferred
from people's choices, in reality or in surveys, from their own
subjectively perceived voting motives. This is the reason we undertook the
second survey about people's perceptions of their own and others' voting
motives. The results indicate that most people believe that others vote
largely for their own interests, whereas they, on average, consider
themselves to be influenced roughly equally by their own interests and by
those of society as a whole. The results further help to identify possible
self-serving biases, i.e. that people may tend, unconsciously, to believe
that what is in the interest of society happens to coincide with what is
in their own private interest. If so, one would expect systematic
differences between people's reported perception of their own motives and
that of others' motives, and that people on average believe that they
themselves vote more out of conviction, or sociotropically, than others
do. And as reported in Section 3, this is indeed found to be the case.
2. Analysis of preferred speed limits
The main survey was mailed to 2500 randomly selected individuals aged
between 18 and 65 years old in Sweden, during spring 2001. The response
rate of the overall survey was 62%, and 1131 car drivers answered the
speed- limit question. Each respondent was asked the following question:
What speed limit do you think we should have on Swedish motorways? They
were given five options, all of which have been discussed in the Swedish
debate from time to time: 90, 100, 110 (the level today), 120, and 130
The descriptive result in Table 1 shows that very few would like to have
decreased speed limits, and that more than half of the respondents would
like to see increased speed limits. This may in itself be an indication
that people have adapted their political preferences to the increased
levels of vehicle safety, but to be able to say more on this issue we
would need to know who wants increased speed limits, and who does not.
This is the issue to which we turn to next.
In order to obtain information on the characteristics that affect the
preferred speed limit, we ran an OLS-regression with the preferred speed
limit as the dependent variable on a number of socio-economic
characteristics and the characteristics of the car that they most
frequently drive. Because of missing or incomplete responses, primarily on
the income and voting variables the number of respondents included in the
analysis is 974. The results from the estimations are presented in Table 2
along with the mean sample value of each explanatory variable.
Table 1. Sample distribution of the preferred speed limit on Swedish
motorways. (N = 974)
90 km/h 100 km/h 110 km/h 120 km/h 130 km/h (as of today)
2% 3% 41% 25% 29%
The results show that those who drive newer cars do prefer higher speed
limits, as one would expect, given that people adapt their preferences to
changing circumstances, in this case safer cars with better high-speed
driving characteristics.4 Similarly, drivers of the prestige cars BMW,
Mercedes and Porsche, which are also safer and/or have better high-speed
driving characteristics, also prefer higher speed limits. The size of car
also affects the preferred speed limit in the expected direction, since
bigger cars are on average safer, and have better high-speed
characteristics, but the differences are not significant at conventional
levels. Jeeps and vans constitute the base case, and although these are
big vehicles, they have typically bad high-speed characteristics.
The preferred speed limit is higher for those who believe they are better
than average drivers, which is also consistent with the self-interested
hypothesis, since the risk of an accident, for a given speed, would then
be lower.5 A long annual driving distance also increases preferred speed
limit, which, however, is not obvious from the self-interested hypothesis.
On the one hand, those who drive a lot will gain more time from increased
speed levels, but on the other hand they will also face a larger reduction
in safety. In our case, it seems that the former effect dominates the
latter. This is also consistent with Rienstra and Rietveld (1996), who
found that self-reported frequency of speed-transgressions on Dutch
highways increases with annual driving distances. The effects of always
using a seatbelt may seem to contradict the theory, since those without
seatbelts would face the biggest risk-increase from increased speed
levels. However, it seems likely that the results largely reflect
preference heterogeneity, so that those who are more risk-averse, or
generally more cautious, prefer both to use seatbelts and to have
relatively low speed limits.
People living in the bigger cities of Sweden prefer somewhat higher speed
limits, for which one explanation may be the higher pace, in general, of
urban life, which translates into a higher value of time. The effect of
education is quite small, and perhaps in the opposite direction to that in
which one would have guessed, since safety awareness is often believed to
follow from, or at least to be positively correlated with, education.
However, hardly anyone in Sweden, irrespective of education, can be
uninformed about the public campaign messages that safety decreases as
speed increases. Further, the true relationship between speed and safety
may not be as clear and strong as is typically presented, and maybe highly
educated people are less easy to convince by public propaganda. Generally,
most (but not all)6 analysts seem to agree that safety typically does
decrease with increased speed limits, but there is less agreement about
how large the effect is. Nevertheless, the result presented here is also
consistent with the result of Hemenway and Solnick (1993) and Shinar,
Schechtman and Compton (2001), who found that levels of education higher
than high-school tended to increase the probability of speed violation.
Table 2. OLS-estimation of preferred speed limit on Swedish motorways.
Dependent variable: Preferred speed limit on Swedish motorways in km/h. (N
Variable Coeff. P-value Mean value
Constant -111.552 0.276
Model-year of the car 0.112 0.030 1993.299
Drives either BMW, Mercedes or Porsche 2.771 0.029 0.050
Drives a small-sized car 1.082 0.505 0.071
Drives a medium-sized car 1.553 0.229 0.516
Drives a big car 2.173 0.100 0.362
Drives better than average (self-reported) 2.693 0.000 0.424
Drove more than 25000 km last year 1.524 0.025 0.213
Always wears seat-belt in front-seat -2.446 0.003 0.860
Lives in Stockholm, Gothenburg or Malmö 1.469 0.040 0.196
University-educated 1.314 0.103 0.322
A-level educated 0.907 0.213 0.449
Equivalence-scaled household income* 0.201 0.001 12.047
Aged above 57 -1.952 0.021 0.151
Male 4.233 0.000 0.532
Has at least one child 0.669 0.307 0.406
Right-wing political preferences 2.799 0.001 0.140
Left-wing political preferences -1.582 0.011 0.299
R2 = 0.204
RESET** p-value = 0.281
Mean VIF*** = 1.84 and highest VIF for a single variable is 5.64.
*In 1000 SEK/month and person. In order to compare income between
households, we employ the equivalence scale used by the National Tax Board
(RSV) in Sweden. The scale assigns the first adult the value of 0.95, the
following adults are set at 0.7 and each child at 0.61 units.
**RESET type of test is a general specification test (see e.g. Godfrey,
1988). In the test we rerun the regression including the squared, cubed
and quadratic values of the estimated value of the dependent variable from
the original model and test if coefficients of the included variables are
***We test for multicollinearity in our data set by calculating the
variance of inflation factor (VIF) for each variable. The largest VIF is
5.64 and the mean VIF is 1.84. The largest value is thus smaller than 10
and the mean value is not considerably larger than 1, as required to be
able to judge that there is no apparent indication of mutlicollinearity
according to STATA (2003: 378).
Increased household income causes both higher value of time and a higher
value of a statistical life, or more generally, the willingness to pay to
avoid traffic risks; hence the theoretical prediction is ambiguous. As for
driving distance, the time effect appears to dominate. These results are
also consistent with Rienstra and Rietveld (1996) and Shinar, Schechtman
and Compton (2001) who found that those with the highest incomes tend to
break highway speed limits more often than others. Older people prefer
lower speed limits, as predicted due to their increased vulnerability.
The relatively large male coefficient, corresponding to more than 4 km/h,
can possibly be explained by observed higher risk aversion among women
(e.g. Jianakoplos and Bernasek 1998, Hartog, Ferrer-i-Carbonell and Jonker
2002), but it might also reflect a taste difference concerning how fun
fast driving is perceived to be, or some kind of macho image.
The influence of political voting is also in the expected direction, since
political parties to the left have typically proposed, and been associated
with, a more restrictive speed policy, and vice versa. These parameters
too may reflect direct instrumental self-interest, if people choose
political party partly due to the politically proposed speed limits.
Still, it seems reasonable that these parameters rather reflect
ideological conviction and expressive concern. This does not necessarily
mean that they represent sociotropic concern, however, since people may
have different kinds of values and opinions that they want to express; see
e.g. Brennan and Lomasky (1993) and Brennan and Hamlin (2000). There is
also a large part of the variation left unexplained, and we do not know
how large a share of this part can be explained by non- included variables
that reflect self-interest, such as how fun it is considered to be to
3. Perceptions of voting motives
This second survey was mailed to 1500 randomly selected individuals aged
between 18 and 65 years old in Sweden, during spring 2002 (i.e. a year
after the first survey), and the response rate of the overall survey was
58%. To compare actual voting motives with the perception people have of
voting motives, we simply asked another representative sample of Swedes
about why they thought other people vote as they do, followed by a
question about why they themselves vote as they do. Before the questions,
they were given the following information: One can vote for a political
party for different reasons. One can vote for a party because one is
favored oneself, or one can do it out of conviction that it is the best
for society as a whole.
As can be seen from Tables 3 and 4, most people believe that others vote
largely for their own interests, whereas they, on average, consider
themselves to be influenced roughly equally by their own interests and by
those of society as a whole. To test whether the observed differences are
statistically significant, i.e. whether there is a statistical difference
between people's perception of the degree to which they themselves vote
sociotropically, and the degree to which others vote sociotropically, we
used a simple ordered probit model; the motives are ordered from "Mostly
because it benefits me (them)" to "Mostly out of conviction." This is an
appropriate econometric specification since the empirical analysis focuses
on an ordered discrete variable. The approach is based on the idea of a
latent unobservable variable, Socio*, representing, in our case,
individuals' perception of the degree of sociotropic voting with the
following structure: 7
Socio*= d DOthers + e,
where DOthers is a dummy variable indicating that the responses are given
to the framing on how others vote, and d is the associated parameter to be
estimated; e is assumed to be a normally distributed error term with zero
mean and constant variance. The results in Table 5 show that the between-
sample difference is indeed highly significant as reflected by a
significant d-parameter (at less than 0.1% level).
One possible reason for this systematic bias is that people want to have a
good self-image, or identity, and that they therefore engage in a degree
of self- deception so that they believe that they would vote more for the
common good than they would actually do in reality. Indeed, there is much
psychological evidence for systematic self-deception that enhances
people's perception of their own abilities in many respects; see e.g.
Gilovich (1991) and Taylor and Brown (1994). An alternative, slightly more
sophisticated version of this argument, is that people answer truthfully
and without bias concerning their own motives. However, since most of us
want to see ourselves as good and responsible people, and at the same time
to do what is best for ourselves, we may unconsciously try to reduce the
cognitive dissonance (cf. Akerlof and Dickens, 1982) by adapting our
perceptions of what is best for society as a whole so that it more or less
coincides with what is best for ourselves. Hence, when we honestly try to
judge different alternatives as objectively as possible on behalf of
society, we will still unconsciously bias our judgment in favour of what
is best for ourselves; see Babcock and Loewenstein (1997) and references
therein for much evidence of such self-serving biases.
Table 3. Self-reported perceptions of own voting motives. (N = 751)
Why do you vote as you do?
Mostly because it benefits me 10%
Because it benefits me, but also to a certain degree out of conviction 23%
Equally because it benefits me and out of conviction 27%
Out of conviction, but also to a certain degree because it benefits me 22%
Mostly out of conviction 18%
Table 4. Self-reported perceptions of others' voting motives. (N = 762)
Why do you, on average, believe that people vote as they do?
Mostly because it benefits them 20%
Because it benefits them, but also to a certain degree out of conviction
Equally because it benefits them and out of conviction 19%
Out of conviction, but also to a certain degree because it benefits them
Mostly out of conviction 5%
Table 5. Ordered probit regression to estimate the differences between the
respondents' perceived degree to which they themselves and others vote
sociotropically. (N = 1513)
Variable Coeff. P-value
Dummy variable reflecting the additional degree that others (compared to
oneself) vote sociotropically -0.553 0.000
Cut-off 1 -1.346
Cut-off 2 -0.377
Cut-off 3 0.246
Cut-off 4 0.968
The dependent variable is the perceived degree of sociotropic voting coded
as follows: 1 = Mostly because it benefits me (them); 2 = Because it
benefits me (them), but also to a certain degree out of conviction; 3 =
Equally because it benefits me (them) and out of conviction; 4 = Out of
conviction, but also to a certain degree because it benefits me (them);
and 5 = Mostly out of conviction.
When we observe others, however, we just know roughly how they vote and
their other circumstances. Hence, we can only crudely observe the
correspondence between how others vote and their personal interests. But
since we do not take into account the fact that others too adapt their
perceptions of what is in the interest of society, through self-serving
biases, the perception of the degree to which others vote sociotropically
may be biased downwards.
Most results from our survey indicate that self-interest is an important
determinant of the preferred speed limit; for example, those who have a
newer car (and hence one that is typically safer and more comfortable at
high speeds) that is bigger and faster, prefer higher speed limits. This
is also true for those who believe they are better than the average
driver, whereas older people prefer lower speed limits. Furthermore, the
results are also consistent with the existence of political offsetting
behaviour, so that when cars become safer due to technological
developments, people adapt their political preferences in favour of higher
speed limits, which reduces road safety overall.
However, the results from people's self-reported subjective voting motives
are not consistent with purely instrumental pocketbook voting. Rather, it
seems that the expressive motive is important, as argued thoroughly by
Brennan and Lomasky (1993) and Brennan and Hamlin (1998, 2000),8 and it
seems in particular that people want to express that they are socially
responsible people who care about the overall welfare of society. This is
also strengthened by the observed fact that people tend to believe that
others vote more in their own interests, on average. Still, despite such
biases, we also find that most people answer that they vote both for their
own interest and for the interest of society. Hence, the hypothesis that
most people solely or primarily vote sociotropically appears to be
Answering a survey, such as ours on preferred speed limits, is in some
respects quite similar to voting. Since the respondents were informed that
the survey was sent out to a large random sample of Swedes by a
university, and was a part of a research project, they could hardly
believe that their single response would influence actual policy in a
non-negligible way. Furthermore, the financial incentive of answering was
zero, and it took probably almost half an hour to answer the whole survey
on average. The response rates (62% and 58% respectively) were also
similar to electoral participation rates in many countries.9 Presumably,
most of the respondents answered based on a sense of civic duty, or due to
the disutility associated with not answering which would break what they
perceive to be a social (or personal) norm. But given that expressive
voting, and expressive answering of surveys such as ours, is the main
explanation behind observed behaviour, how can we explain the fairly
strong correlation with their own self-interest? Although it is perceived
as socially admirable to vote, it is hardly perceived to be admirable to
vote solely for your own best interests. Rather, we are socialized to
focus on the collective good when wearing our "political hats" (Sears,
Lau, Tyler and Allen, 1980; Sears and Funk, 1990). One possible
explanation to this paradox is provided by the idea of self-serving bias.
As expressed by Elster (1999, 333): "Most people do not like to think of
themselves as motivated only be self-interest.They will, therefore,
gravitate spontaneously towards a world-view that suggests a coincidence
between their special interest and the public interest." (italics in
original.) In this way we can vote for improvements for ourselves without
feeling guilty that this would, overall, be bad for society, and we are
hence not plagued by any cognitive dissonance. After all, it is much more
pleasant to think that what is good for you is also good for society,
1. However, as argued by Brennan and Lomasky (1993) as well as Brennan and
Hamlin (2000), expressive voting per se does not necessarily imply
2. If anything, it may be considered somewhat more ethical to vote for
lower speed limits. Nevertheless, despite a possible bias in this
direction, very few respondents (5%) prefer a lower speed limit than the
current one, as can be seen from Table 1.
3. Highway speed limits have increased rapidly in many states in the USA
during the last 15 years (Greenstone, 2002), and also in other countries
such as Italy, while there are on-going discussions in many other
4. However, it is possible that people who drive newer cars do so due to
stronger preferences for safety. For this reason, those who have new cars
would then prefer lower speed limits than others would. Given that the
empirical result presents the net effect, the isolated effect of a newer
car on the preferred speed limit would then be larger than the effect that
is presented here.
5. This does not necessarily mean that actual safety increases with
self-reported subjective driving ability, however, since over-optimism
regarding one's own driving ability is likely to be positively correlated
with subjective driving ability. Still, what matters for the preferred
speed limit it the subjective risk, which is independent of such biases.
6. Indeed, some analysts have even questioned the sign of the
relationship: Lave and Elias (1997) argued that the accident increase on
rural interstate USA roads resulting from increasing the speed limits to
65 mph in 1987 were more than off-set by the decline of accidents on other
roads due to compensatory reallocations of drivers and state police; see
also Greenstone (2002), who, however, questioned the conclusion by Lave
7. In our case five ordered categories are possible. The respondents are
assumed to choose the alternative closest to their own perception, where
we observe Socio = 1, i.e. "mostly because it benefits me (them)," if
Socio*= a1;Socio = 2, i.e. "because it benefits me (them), but also to a
certain degree out of conviction," if a1 < Socio*= a2 etc.; until Socio =
5, i.e. "mostly out of conviction," if a4 = Socio*;where a1 to a4 are
cut-off points to be estimated simultaneously with the coefficient.
8. See also Copeland and Laband (2002) for recent empirical support.
9. In the 2002 General Election in Sweden 80.1% of the eligible population
voted (SCB, 2002).
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