[Paleopsych] Robert Higgs: Franklin D. Roosevelt and George W. Bush: Some Unsettling Similarities
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Robert Higgs: Franklin D. Roosevelt and George W. Bush: Some Unsettling
Similarities
http://www.independent.org/printer.asp?page=%2Fnewsroom%2Farticle%2Easp?id=1452
The Independent Institute
January 23, 2005
In view of the ideological chasm that seems to separate the admirers
of Franklin D. Roosevelt from those of George W. Bush, one might
suppose that these two presidents exhibited completely different
character and conduct, yet a close examination reveals that they
actually have much in common. The similarities, however, are scarcely
reassuring to those who are worried about what President Bush might do
next.
Roosevelt and Bush came from similar class backgrounds, each being the
scion of a wealthy, well established Northeastern family. After early
schooling at home, Roosevelt went to the elite Groton School in
Massachusetts, graduated from Harvard College, and attended Columbia
Law School. Bush, the grandson of a U.S. senator and the son of a U.S.
president, went to the elite Phillips Academy in Massachusetts and
graduated from Yale University and from Harvard Business School.
Neither man ever achieved any notable success on his own in the
private sector, and both leaped at opportunities to trade on their
family background and social connections by involving themselves in
politics at an early age.
Despite the advantages of study at premier educational institutions,
neither man possessed much interest in or capacity for deep thinking,
specializing instead in conducting themselves as bon vivants and
backslappers. In a biography of Roosevelt, John T. Flynn remarked on
"the free and easy manner in which [Roosevelt] could confront problems
about which he knew very little." Indeed, Roosevelt affected complete
insouciance about his lack of understanding of many matters for which
he had responsibility as president. Of Bush's intellectual caliber,
obviously, the less said the better. Neither had to dwell on the
concerns that cause ordinary people to lose sleep, such as earning an
honest living or meeting the challenges of an occupation, trade, or
profession. The old adage "it's who you know" must have had special
resonance for both men.
Neither possessed sterling personal character. Roosevelt was an
inveterate liar. His "first instinct," according to New York Times
reporter Turner Catledge, "was always to lie," although "sometimes in
midsentence he would switch to accuracy because he realized he could
get away with the truth in that particular instance." Bush, too, in
the view of his legions of enemies and detractors, has resorted
frequently to lies, most notably in his series of shifting prewar and
subsequent justifications for the U.S. invasion and occupation of
Iraq. His critics may be wrong, however, that he has--in the strictest
sense--lied in these pronouncements. It may be that he simply does not
distinguish truth from falsehood, and rather than making the effort to
do so, he prefers to float along on his arrogance in a sea of
delusions. Many observers have remarked on Bush's astonishing
insulation from information that might contradict his bizarre
interpretations of events in the outside world. Evidently, he does not
read newspapers or even watch much news on television, relying instead
on the briefing papers and verbal reports fed to him by his aides and
on the opinions expressed by the sycophants with whom he surrounds
himself. Roosevelt seems to have had the wit to know that he was
lying; Bush seems content to live in a reality-free environment,
confidently awaiting the divine intervention that will transform his
fantasies and wishful thinking into facts on the ground.
Both men sought successfully to plunge the nation into war, and having
done so, both then gained stature from serving as a "war president,"
although Roosevelt's war was the greatest cataclysm of all time,
whereas Bush's is a much smaller conflict, albeit one replete with
important global consequences. Both men engaged in war with cavalier
disregard for constitutional scruples. In 1940 and 1941, Roosevelt
made the United States an undeclared belligerent working hand in hand
with the British, even going so far as to give away a substantial
chunk of the U.S. Navy to a foreign power wholly on his own authority
in the so-called "destroyer deal." Bush, despite having sworn to
"preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution," eschewed the clear
constitutional requirement of a congressional declaration of war and
sent U.S. forces to attack Iraq as if he were a Caesar beyond earthly
restraint. Both men preferred, especially in the conduct of foreign
policy, to do as they wished, taking Congress or the courts into
account only as a courtesy or in pro forma consultations and hearings.
Before Roosevelt transformed himself from Dr. New Deal to Dr. Win the
War, his administration had run out of steam and faced mounting
opposition in Congress and among the general public. Similarly, Bush's
administration was drifting and pointless until the 9/11 attacks
elevated the president to the status of "great leader" and changed his
uncertain gait into "bring 'em on" swagger.
Neither man learned anything from political opponents or from the
failure of his polices to pan out, lapsing instinctively into an "us
against them" mentality for dealing with differences of opinion,
interpretation, or moral judgment. When the New Deal failed to bring
the economy fully out of the Great Depression and then, in 1937-1938,
knocked it into a "depression within a depression," Roosevelt could
only sputter that his enemies among the "economic royalists" had
mounted a strike of capital to sabotage his presidency. Bush,
confronted with the manifest catastrophe of the U.S. occupation of
Iraq, finds nothing to fault and no one in his administration to hold
accountable for the debacle. Those such as Colin Powell, who recently
mustered the courage to tell the president that "we are losing," the
president prefers to send packing, perceiving in their honesty only
disloyalty to his noble quest, with its patient willingness to prolong
the pointless savagery and slaughter indefinitely.
Both Roosevelt and Bush presided over a huge spurt in the growth of
government financed in substantial part by running up debt. Under
Roosevelt, domestic spending and economic regulation mushroomed prior
to the gargantuan military buildup of the war years; under Bush,
domestic and military spending and regulation all have zoomed upward.
Although Roosevelt's sweeping regulatory measures bulked far larger
than Bush's, the current president did make the largest addition in
decades to the government's welfare apparatus--the prescription-drug
benefit attached to Medicare, which is sure to exceed its already
enormous cost estimates before long. Bush's spending increases have
been at the fastest rate since the guns-and-butter heyday of Lyndon B.
Johnson's administration, and Bush has not seen fit to veto a single
spending bill, no matter how outrageously packed with pork it might
be.
No doubt other parallels might also be mentioned, but the foregoing
remarks suffice to establish my main point. In government, as many
commentators have noted, no failure goes unrewarded. Indeed, the
greater the failure, the greater the reward. Franklin D. Roosevelt and
George W. Bush exemplify in strikingly similar ways the veracity of
this observation.
_________________________________________________________________
[3]Robert Higgs is Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The
Independent Institute, author of [4]Against Leviathan and [5]Crisis
and Leviathan, and editor of the scholarly quarterly journal, [6]The
Independent Review.
_________________________________________________________________
[7]The Empire Has No Clothes New from Robert Higgs!
[8]AGAINST LEVIATHAN: Government Power and a Free Society
Against Leviathan offers an unflinchingly critical analysis of
government power. Topics include Social Security, the paternalism of
the FDA, the "War on Drugs", the nature of political leadership, civil
liberties, the conduct of the national surveillance state, and
governmental responses to a continuing stream of "crises," including
domestic economic busts and foreign wars both hot and cold.
References
3. http://www.independent.org/aboutus/person_detail.asp?id=489
4. http://www.independent.org/store/book_detail.asp?bookID=53
5. http://www.independent.org/store/book_detail.asp?bookID=15
6. http://www.independent.org/publications/tir/
7. http://www.independent.org/store/book_detail.asp?bookID=53
8. http://www.independent.org/store/book_detail.asp?bookID=53
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