[Paleopsych] TLS: John Gray: Free thinkers?
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John Gray: Free thinkers?
The Times Literary Supplement, 1997.1.24
http://the-tls.co.uk/archive/story.aspx?story_id=2091217&window_type=print
THE IDEA OF A UNIVERSITY John Henry Newman By Frank M. Turner 366pp.
Yale University Press. £25 (paperback, £12.50). - 0 300 06404 7
The University in Ruins By Bill Readings 238pp. Harvard University
Press. £18.95. - 0 674 92952 7
THE FUTURE OF ACADEMIC FREEDOM By Louis Menand, editor 230pp.
University of Chicago Press; distributed in the UK by Wiley. £19.95. -
0 226 52004 8
According to Jose Ortega y Gasset, in The Mission of the University
(1944), "When a nation is great, so will be its schools." Is the
obverse true of universities? In the English-speaking world, at least
since Matthew Arnold and John Henry Newman, universities have commonly
represented themselves as institutions devoted to the transmission of
culture. Neither Arnold nor Newman imagined that universities could
create the culture they existed to express and renew. They took for
granted that culture lay around them, at times inchoate or dormant,
but pervasively present in a common national life. They differed
widely in their view of the place of Christian belief in that culture
and, correspondingly, in the role they attached to universities as
vehicles of the secular traditions of the humanities. Newman conceived
the task of universities as that of nurturing civilized people
("gentlemen") who embodied "intellectual culture". He did not suppose
that such culture could transform an irredeemably fallen world. By
contrast, Arnold had high hopes of culture as a transformative
influence on industrial civilization.
Despite these differences, Newman and Arnold had in common a very
definite idea of the intellectual culture that it was the task of
universities to propagate. It was not practical or vocational
knowledge, it had nothing to do with amassing information and it
served no external - economic or commercial, say - purposes. In their
view, to defend universities on the ground that the pure research that
goes on in them ultimately confers practical benefits on the societies
that support them is to neglect and even to spurn the distinctive good
that universities foster. It is to make of universities utilitarian
institutions, whose goals are set outside them, and thereby to
compromise their distinctive ethos. To defend universities in these
terms is to sell the pass.
In Frank M. Turner's useful new edition of Newman's The Idea of a
University, university education has a decidedly anachronistic, even
quixotic, aspect. What is strangest in Newman's idea of a university
are not its Christian commitments. It is what it more generally
presupposes - a common national (and supra-national) culture. This is
a contrast with the situation of universities nowadays that recurs
repeatedly in the essays by contemporary educationalists and
philosophers that accompany Newman's text. In Newman's time, Christian
faith might not have been universal in Britain, but it had not yet
become marginal. In our time, in European countries at any rate, the
idea that a national culture should or could rest on any single world-
view, religious or secular, is suspect; but national cultures are not
for that reason becoming weaker. Bill Readings tells us that the
withering of the nation-state "is not the same thing as claiming that
nationalism is no longer an issue". The issue is rather, he suggests,
the depoliticization of society and culture generated by the rise of
the modern bureaucratic state. Yet one of the most striking features
of recent history is the disruption of bureaucratic rationality - in
the European Union, for example - by the return of the national
question to the very centre of political life. Here, like many
academics, Readings mistakes the bureaucratization that is going on in
universities for a wider social trend, when the dominant tendency in
most late modern societies is precisely the reverse. Indeed, one of
the reasons for the increased marginality of universities is that, not
for the first time, they are adopting a model of administration and
management that has long been abandoned in the larger economies and
societies they are meant to serve.
A central theme in Readings's The University in Ruins is that the
development of universities has occurred in tandem with that of the
nation-state. The culture that universities reproduced was the
national culture constructed along with the institutions of the modern
state. Now that the nation-state is (according to Readings) in
decline, we must accept that the modern university has become a ruined
institution. Those ruins must not be the object of a romantic
nostalgia for a lost wholeness but the site of an attempt to
transvalue the fact that the university no longer inhabits a
continuous history of progress, of the progressive revelation of a
unifying idea.
In the context of English-speaking countries, and especially of the
United States, Readings's provocative formulation captures one source
of the increasing marginality of universities as cultural
institutions. The loss of confidence in themselves in this role must
be due partly to the break-up in the wider society of tradition. To
this extent Ortega must be right: universities cannot manufacture a
culture where none exists.
Yet this is surely only a rather small part of the explanation for the
dwindling cultural leverage of universities on the societies they
serve. As he himself recognizes, Readings's account of the condition
of contemporary universities is not far removed from that of Allan
Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind (1987) - a book whose
rapturous public reception provided a better argument for its gloomy
diagnoses than any advanced by Bloom himself. Cultural warfare over
"the Western canon" and formulaic controversies about "relativism" are
far from being universal features of contemporary university life
throughout the world. They are episodes in a local debate about
American identity. In that debate it is the stance of
"multiculturalism", rather than the neo-conservative defence of a
banal version of "the western tradition", that best reflects the
realities of American life today. Moreover, although the sectarian
rancour with which multiculturalism is debated seems peculiarly
American, the historical context of multiculturalism is far wider than
the United States. All western societies are having to adjust to a new
global context in which their intellectual traditions increasingly
form only one strand in cultural life.
In finding this adjustment to the loss of western hegemony difficult,
universities are no different from many other social institutions in
late modern western societies. Readings's asserstion that we are
witnessing the emergence of an "essentially unipolar society" is, once
again, nearly the opposite of the truth. The globalization of economic
and cultural life that is under way today is a "de-centring" movement.
Its effect is to diminish the leverage of western societies in many
parts of the world, and at the same time to make western societies
more culturally plural. This is a world-historical development whose
profound implications academic multiculturalism - itself a
protypically western phenomenon - has scarcely begun to grasp.
Several of the contributors to Louis Menand's collection of essays on
higher education, The Future of Academic Freedom, address the question
of whether universities can be justified as expressing a distinctive
ethical and intellectual culture, and, if so, how that culture might
itself be defended. Ronald Dworkin argues that, although academic
freedom is not a simple derivation from the right to free speech,
nevertheless it expresses the ideal of ethical individualism that
animates liberal political morality. In this view, the local practices
of American universities are embodiments (no doubt imperfect) of
political first principles. Richard Rorty takes his stand on local
practice and forgoes any appeal to first principles.
His essay is an elegant and forceful restatement of the pragmatist
view that institutions do not need "foundations". Elaborating on a
famous remark of Eisenhower's, he declares that "any religion that is
dubious about American democratic institutions must have something
wrong with it. I should claim that any philosophy that is dubious
about the folkways that we call 'acad-emic freedom' must have
something wrong with it." Despite their divergent philosophical
standpoints, Dworkin and Rorty both take for granted the principle
that the ideal of the university can be realized only in a liberal
political culture that is much like their own.
They share this common presupposition, in part, because their context
of discussion is single-mindedly American. In this they differ sharply
from Edward Said, who in the collection's most wide-ranging essay
defends the ideal of freedom of inquiry by reference to the historical
experience of universities in many parts of the world, including the
countries of the Middle East.
For Said, there is no single paradigm of the university as a social
institution. Universities are as diverse as the societies that harbour
them. Yet this does not mean that universities are obliged to
articulate the cultures in which they find themselves. On the
contrary, as Said argues, intellectual freedom demands that people in
the academy be ready to risk their identities as practitioners of
particular cultures in order to understand the cultures of others. A
free thinker in the academy is bound to be a nomad, not a celebrant of
any one cultural identity - that of American liberal individualism,
say. Interestingly, he finds hints of this understanding of
intellectual freedom in the writings of Newman, whose prejudices are
otherwise so manifest. Said quotes Newman's "incomparably eloquent
statements" affirming the necessity, in a university education, of
knowing "the relative disposition of things" and avoiding the partial
views that express the narrow identities "of slaves or children". As
Said observes, that he was speaking only of English Catholic males
only slightly deflates the profound truth of what Newman is saying. If
I understand him rightly, Said's moral is that the project of
intellectual inquiry to which universities are devoted cannot be
confined - or seek to confine itself - within the limits of any one
particular cultural identity, howsoever liberal it may be.
What is refreshing and salutary in Said's essay is its recognition
that no amount of institutional or legal protection for academic
freedom can secure it where the spirit of free inquiry is lacking.
Intellectual freedom cannot flourish when universities themselves are
battlefields of culture-warriors. The danger of multiculturalism in
academic life is the hardening of oppositional identities into
self-enclosed intellectual communities. But this is a mirror-image of
a liberal hegemony in which the experience and histories of people
from other cultures are recognized only in so far as they validate the
superiority of "our", liberal forms of ethical life. The domination of
political philosophy over the past generation by a school of
liberalism that takes all its reference points from recent North
American experience, interpreted from a standpoint of legalism and
individualist rights theory, is a species of solipsism in intellectual
and academic life.
Of course, it cannot be said that the heg-emony of this peculiar and
parochial variant of liberal theory in the academy is a violation of
academic freedom, as that is presently understood. But it is an
example of a widespread self-insulation of academic institutions from
the larger and more diverse political and cultural realities of the
time. It is the self-referential character of much academic discourse
which claims to address issues in the real world that accounts for the
continuing leakage of intellectual energy from universities to other
spheres of society - think-tanks, the media, even politics - which is
such an ominous sign for the future of the academy.
There are many reasons why universities risk becoming culturally and
intellectually marginal. In Britain, their increasing subordination to
economic and vocational objectives is a danger to the autonomy and
ethos of universities more immediate and urgent than intellectual
sectarianism. But in Britain, as elsewhere, universities will be able
to renew themselves only if they contain people for whom intellectual
freedom matters.
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