[Paleopsych] TLS: John Gray: Does globalization bring liberty?
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John Gray: Does globalization bring liberty?
The Times Literary Supplement, 0.11.17
http://the-tls.co.uk/archive/story.aspx?story_id=2098697&window_type=print
A FUTURE PERFECT. The challenge and hidden promise of globalization.
By John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge. 386pp. Heinemann. £20. TLS
£17. 0 434 00751 X
THE CHALLENGE OF GLOBAL CAPITALISM. The world economy in the
twenty-first century. By Robert Gilpin. 373pp. Princeton University
Press; distributed in the UK by Wiley. £18.95. TLS £16.95. 0 691 04935
1
THE GLOBALIZATION SYNDROME. Transformation and resistance. By James H.
Mittelman. 286pp. Princeton University Press; distributed in the UK by
Wiley. £30 (paperback, £11.50). TLS £27; £9.50. 0 691 00988 0
The pitfalls of identifying civil society with the free market
When President Suharto of Indonesia resigned in May 1998, the response
in the West was quiet satisfaction. A corrupt and murderous tyrant had
been toppled - and free markets, with a little help from the
International Monetary Fund, could take the credit. Never mind that
the West had supported Suharto for decades. That fact belonged in the
past, along with Asian "crony capitalism". A new epoch was about to
begin, in which globalized free markets would act as pacemakers for
democracy throughout the world. As could have been foreseen, things
did not turn out quite in that way. Severe recession and the collapse
of the currency provided a less than ideal background for democratic
transition. The civil disorder that had forced Suharto's resignation
continued, with the country's Chinese minority suffering persecution
and murderous attacks, and the Indonesian State began a slow and
violent unravelling. The new era was postponed.
The collapse in Indonesia was a knock-on effect of a currency crisis
that had erupted in July 1997, when hedge-fund activity forced the
Thai Government to let its currency float, and the contagion spread
rapidly to neighbouring countries. In the West, the crisis was
routinely described as a sign that Asian capitalism had entered a
terminal crisis. This was absurd. Until turmoil in global financial
markets hit them, the East Asian countries were lauded by Western
opinion. Are we to believe that they underwent a radical metamorphosis
in the summer of 1997? No doubt many of their economies contained
serious imbalances; but it defies common sense to suppose that
long-established and - for the most part - highly successful varieties
of capitalism can collapse overnight.
The Western response to the East Asian crisis was a callow
triumphalism that continues to this day. To be sure, the West's
complacency was shaken by the devaluation of the rouble in August
1998. The Russian default triggered the collapse of a colossally
leveraged American hedge fund, Long Term Capital Management,
threatening the stability of the world's financial system. The threat
was swiftly neutralized by the American banking authorities, and it
was soon business as usual in the global financial markets. As a
result, the lesson of the default went barely noticed: in the most
important case, the transition from central planning to market
institutions had failed. In Russia, as in Indonesia, globalized
financial markets have not assisted the transition to democracy and a
liberal market economy. They have made the transition more difficult.
There is a systematic mismatch between
the goal of a worldwide free market and the anarchic workings of
globalization in practice. If John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge
have written the most intelligent defence of
globalization to date, it is because they readily acknowledge this gap
between aspiration and reality. A Future Perfect does not shrink from
detailing the increases in inequality that have gone with accelerating
globalization. Nor does it pass over the ethnic conflict and
fundamentalist revulsion that it has generated or aggravated in a
number of countries. As a result, unlike a host of quasi-religious
tracts that identify deregulated global markets with human progress
and anathematize all criticism of them,
Micklethwait and Wooldridge present a commendably tough-minded and
exceptionally useful account of globalization as an actually existing
economic regime. They are able to combine this realistic perception of
globalization's flaws and risk with impassioned advocacy of its
benefits because their core argument in its defence is not economic at
all. For them, the promise held out by globalization is not increased
prosperity. It is an increase in individual liberty.
As Micklethwait and Wooldridge see it, the case for globalization is
that it embodies a classical liberal ideal of personal freedom. In the
introduction and the conclusion to A Future Perfect, they cite John
Stuart Mill's principle that individuals should be free to act in any
way that does not harm others, and contend that globalization is
tending to bring about a worldwide open society of the sort that Mill
and other liberals are bound to support. But here they deploy a
misinterpretation of Mill to bolster a reading
of globalization's actual impact that their own account suggests is
suspect. Mill could never have defended a universal free market as a
direct application of his principles regarding personal liberty.
Indeed, he explicitly rejects any such implication. In his Principles
of Political Economy (1848), Mill distinguishes sharply between basic
principles of liberty and rules of thumb, such as the laissez-faire
maxim enjoining non-interference by governments in the workings of the
economy. The latter is a guide to policy which should not be followed
slavishly, whereas the former concern core human freedoms. Mill
amplified this position in On
Liberty (1859). There he went out of his way to note that trade is a
social act which may harm the interests of others, and so cannot be
protected by his principle of liberty. In Mill's view, free trade may
well be a very good thing; but not because restraining trade infringes
basic human liberties.
Applying Mill's distinction yields a more nuanced assessment in which
the contribution made by globalization to personal freedom is patchy.
Where they enable individuals to escape from the constraints of
oppressive communities, the global flows of information made possible
by new communication technologies enhance liberty. But the effects on
freedom of a regime of unfettered capital flows are much more
problematic. Where it weakens fledgling liberal regimes - as happened
when markets moved against the South African currency - or strengthens
anti-liberal forces, as it has manifestly done in
Russia, its impact has been to create an environment less hospitable
to basic liberties.
As George Soros has observed, deregulated financial markets often
behave more like wrecking balls than pendulums. Contagion spreads
indiscriminately. In times of panic, free flows of capital can
devastate authoritarian and liberal regimes alike. There is no
systematic connection between globalized markets and liberal values.
That so many of globalization's boosters have failed to notice this
fact says as much about their ignorance of history as it does about
their ideological enthusiasm. Throughout much of the Cold War, the
defence of individual freedom went hand in hand with a Keynesian
regime of managed markets. It was only with the rise of the New Right
that the absurd notion that interventionist economic policies lead
inexorably to limitations on personal and political freedom came to be
a idee recue.
One of the many virtues of Robert Gilpin's wide-ranging book is its
deep sense of history. The Challenge of Global Capitalism is an
exemplary guide to the geo-strategic environment
in which world markets operate. More particularly, it is a penetrating
examination of the sources of global financial vulnerability. Unlike
many political scientists and most economists, Gilpin does not discuss
the current regime in
global markets as if it had always existed. He is clear that it has a
history - if, in some respects, one that is quite brief. The regime of
global free markets emerged with the Soviet collapse. It cannot be
understood adequately, if its background in the strategic rivalries of
the Cold War is not grasped. Equally, its prospects cannot be assessed
except in the context of the unchallenged post-Cold War dominance of
the United States. What is rather less clear in Gilpin's account is
the depth of US commitment to the current global regime. He is
emphatic that the future of the current global regime depends on
continuing American leadership. On this he is surely right; but
perhaps he underestimates the risks of unilateralism and incipient
economic nationalism in American policy. US commitment to global free
markets is recent, and - except in respect of its dependency on
large-scale imports of capital - its economy is not, in fact, very
highly globalized. Can we take for granted that, in the event of
serious dislocation in world markets, America's commitment to free
trade would not be compromised? Might it not tilt towards
protectionism?
An uncertainty which haunts all discussion
of the world economy is the ambiguity of
the terms in which it is analysed. The Globalization Syndrome by James
H. Mittelman is distinguished from the overwhelming majority of recent
writings on the subject by its sensitivity to the conceptual issues
the subject raises. In
Mittelman's view, globalization encompasses a configuration of trends
and forces, not a single process, and political power is as central in
this configuration as the growth of worldwide economic networks. One
of the most refreshing aspects of Mittelman's thoughtful and subtle
discussion is his critique of the discourse of civil society. In a
chapter dealing with the underexamined subject of global organized
crime,
Mittelman notes that "the very idea of civil society is being
corrupted . . . . At best, global civil society is a nascent, yet
important, normative force for future world order." Here Mittelman
registers a scepticism that is pertinent and overdue. In much recent
discourse, civil society has acquired the role of a fetish. In the
vulgar parodies of neo-liberal discourse, it is conceived as a wholly
spontaneous formation, which emerges as soon as the State has
retreated from social life, and which for all practical purposes can
be identified with the practices of market exchange. As Mittelman
points out, thinking of civil society in this way suppresses its true
provenance in recent thought, which is in Marxian critical theory. The
proper role of the idea of civil society in social and political
thought is not to glorify the market. It is to show on what the market
stands, and thereby mark its limits.
It is worth recalling that when, not much more than a decade ago,
central planning was overthrown in the first fully post-totalitarian
country, the forces of civil society that accomplished this feat did
not identify themselves with the institutions of the market. Indeed,
they were as hostile to them as they were to Communism. If talk of the
spontaneous forces of civil society means anything, it applies to
Poland in the time when Solidarity and the Church were in conflict
with the Communist state apparatus. Yet the fact is that achieving a
market economy was no part of their aims. Indeed, as later
developments demonstrated, they actively opposed it. In Poland, as in
other countries, a market economy did not emerge as a side-effect of
the reassertion of society; it was an artefact of state power. That is
has proved remarkably successful does not invalidate the central
point. Civil society and the market are not linked indissolubly
together. Quite commonly they embody irreconcilably opposed interests
and values.
The wild expectations which Western opinion harboured regarding
globalization only a few years ago are now muted. There have
been too many near-catastrophes. Events in Indonesia and Russia have
confounded the hope that free markets will act as pacemakers for
democracy. Yet the illusion persists that advancing globalization
somehow assures the future of liberal values. The reality - that the
vast, chaotic and uncontrollable transformation on which the world is
embarked is bound to be deeply mixed in its impact on human freedom
and well-being - seems still too forbidding to be much contemplated.
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