[Paleopsych] CHE: Scholars Infuse Religion With Cultural Light
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Scholars Infuse Religion With Cultural Light
The Chronicle of Higher Education, 4.10.22
http://chronicle.com/weekly/v51/i09/09b00601.htm
Scholars Infuse Religion With Cultural Light
By ALAN WOLFE
Religion is playing a major role in the 2004 campaign for the
presidency. Conservative faiths are growing rapidly, in the United
States as well as abroad. While a clash of civilizations may not be
taking place, religious conflict -- primarily, but not exclusively, in
the Middle East -- is a major cause of global instability.
All of those statements are not only true but testify to the
importance of religion in the contemporary world. They also raise the
question of whether scholarship on religion is up to the task of
offering Americans insights on the controversies that surround them.
Thirty years ago, the answer to that question would have been
negative. Religion had been instrumental in the founding of at least
two academic disciplines: sociology, because of the focus of Max Weber
and Émile Durkheim on the role of religion in maintaining social
order, and anthropology, because of its interest in ritual and
symbols. Yet persuaded that the world was becoming increasingly
secular and dedicated to value-free scholarship ill equipped to deal
with passionate and irreconcilable beliefs, social scientists from the
1960s until the 1980s treated religion as marginal to their concerns.
Combined with the conviction on the part of many natural scientists
that religion was hostile to their enterprise and a turn in the
humanities away from actual texts like Paradise Lost in favor of
theories about how such works can or should be read, that left
American academics outside of divinity schools unready for the
religious revival that seemed to take on new life in the 1990s,
particularly the rise of evangelical religions and the decline of
mainline ones.
The academic study of religion, having badly missed the boat on one of
the most profound social transformations of our time, has a lot of
catching up to do. The good news is that the process has started, as a
plethora of books and scholarly articles dealing with religion has
begun to appear. There may even be an advantage to the late start in
academic scholarship on the role of religion in American life:
Scholars have been able to incorporate recent approaches that show
considerable promise.
One involves ethnographic description of individuals and the groups
with which they affiliate. Looking under the conventional labels used
to depict religious believers, ethnographers and cultural historians
are uncovering some unexpected findings. We know, for example, that
religious conservatives are likely to vote Republican, but what,
exactly, does it mean to be a religious conservative? If the
scholarship of historians like R. Marie Griffith or sociologists like
Gerardo Marti is any indication, it does not necessarily mean turning
one's back on the modern world. Griffith's Born Again Bodies: Flesh
and Spirit in American Christianity, published this month, places the
popularity of diet and fitness books among American believers, many of
them conservative, in the context of earlier attempts to achieve
spiritual renewal through mind control or self-discipline. Marti's A
Mosaic of Believers: Diversity and Innovation in a Multiethnic Church,
to be published next month, offers a case study of a Los Angeles-based
church that is at one and the same time Southern Baptist in
affiliation and conservative theologically and attractive to a young,
primarily single Hollywood clientele working at cutting-edge cultural
jobs in the entertainment industry.
As such books illustrate, the ethnographic trend overlaps with
interest in the complexities of religion and American culture and
their intersection. While religion has certainly done its share to
shape American culture, it is also the case that American culture
shapes religion, and in very powerful ways. For example, the 350th
anniversary of the arrival of the first Jew on North American soil
marks the publication of Jonathan D. Sarna's magisterial American
Judaism: A History. Sarna's recent book documents the many ways
American Jews adapted themselves to American practices, not only in
the obvious case of transforming Hanukkah into a holiday resembling
Christmas but also by revising Judaism to help suburban parents with
child rearing or to appeal to increasingly assertive Jewish women. At
the same time, Sarna also shows the importance of movements designed
to resist American culture in the name of Jewish renewal, including
the return to Orthodoxy on the part of highly educated Jews who once
might have been considered candidates for assimilation.
Jews belong both to an ethnic and a religious category, and, as such,
their history reflects the ways in which not only national culture but
the specific cultures of America's many ethnic groups influence the
religious composition of the nation. The forthcoming Themes in
Religion and American Culture, edited by Philip Goff and Paul Harvey,
offers a synthesis of the work of primarily younger scholars who
examine the ways in which Latinos, Native-Americans, and
African-Americans, among others, have shaped a contemporary religious
environment in the United States that would have been unrecognizable
to a Jonathan Edwards or a Henry Ward Beecher, however much they may
have admired its energy and authenticity.
No other scholar in America has explored the relationship between
ethnicity and religion with the insight of Robert A. Orsi, whose
classic work, The Madonna of 115th Street: Faith and Community in
Italian Harlem 1880-1950, published in 1985, brought to life the
visibly celebratory and public world of Italian-American Roman
Catholicism (while comparing it to the more cerebral and dourly
Calvinistic IrishAmerican variety). In his Between Heaven and Earth:
The Religious Worlds People Make and the Scholars Who Study Them, due
out soon, Orsi combines personal reflections on his own family with a
historical analysis of the relationships Catholics have formed with
the Virgin Mary.
As in all his work, Orsi shows religious believers as people who are
very much like everyone else in their concerns with pain, suffering,
and getting by, yet also unlike secularists because they really do
believe that supernatural forces shape the course of the lives they
lead. Orsi also demonstrates how slippery even some of our basic
religious categories can be, for while the term "Catholic" conjures up
for many Americans a universal church led by a pope in Rome, the
worship experiences of a Latino in New Mexico may have so little to do
with those of a German-American in Milwaukee that applying the same
term to both is not going to tell us much about how Catholics will
vote or even about what they believe.
What do religious people believe in when they believe? Monotheistic
religions emphasize the centrality of one God, but people themselves,
even those devoted to monotheist faiths, are often more capacious in
their understanding than that. Indeed, if the work of a cultural
historian like Stephen R. Prothero is any indication, Christians
believe in Jesus while Buddhists, or at least significant numbers of
them, believe in -- Jesus. In American Jesus: How the Son of God
Became a National Icon, published last year, Prothero finds people
continually defining and redefining Jesus to accommodate their needs.
If one believes that belief itself is or ought to be fixed, universal,
and demanding, one comes away from Prothero's book convinced that
something is rotten in the state of faith. If one admires people for
their ingenuity, as well as their determination to make religion
meaningful to themselves, one comes away impressed by the many forms
belief can take.
When it comes to politics, ethnographic and historical accounts of
religious experiences supplement surveys and polling data, but they do
not entirely supplant them. If anything, quantitative studies of the
role that religion plays in American voting have increased in both
their methodological sophistication and their understanding of
religion since political scientists began in the 1950s to pay
attention to political behavior in addition to political institutions.
Of all the scholars who offer journalists and others interested in the
role religion plays in American politics relevant data, no one is more
frequently cited than John C. Green, a political scientist at the
University of Akron. And with good reason. Green, who happens to live
and work in the crucial swing state of Ohio, never allows his
political views, whatever they are, to color his analysis.
At a recent retreat for political journalists held in Key West, Fla.,
under the auspices of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Green
presented the findings of a study, "The American Religious Landscape
and Political Attitudes: A Baseline for 2004," which offered a number
of conclusions that support the ethnographic approach to the study of
religion. For example, evangelical Protestants, who, according to
Green, constitute 26.3 percent of the American population, are by no
means unanimously Republican in their political outlook. And that is
because evangelicals come in many forms, some more traditional than
others. In fact, Green shows, of those usually considered by the news
media to be associated with the "religious right," traditionalist
evangelicals (12.6 percent of the population) represent a smaller
group than the combined centrist (10.8 percent) and modernist (2.9
percent) evangelicals. Since the latter two groups are not as likely
to identify as Republican as the former, George W. Bush would be wrong
to take the evangelical vote for granted in the 2004 election.
Sometimes the new scholarship on religion directly relates to the
issues facing Americans as they vote for candidates or take positions
on matters of public policy. Consider Robert Wuthnow's recent book
Saving America?: Faith-Based Services and the Future of Civil Society.
Wuthnow, America's most distinguished sociologist of religion in the
generation that has followed Peter Berger and Robert N. Bellah, points
out that both President Bush, who defends providing public funds to
religious-based charities, and his critics, who worry that such
financing may violate the Establishment Clause of the U.S.
Constitution, know very little about how America's faith-based
organizations actually work. Based on surveys he and others have
taken, as well as his own study of the Lehigh Valley area in
Pennsylvania, Wuthnow has concluded that congregations are unlikely to
increase the charitable work they already do if additional federal
funds come their way through faith-based initiatives; that even
strongly religious national organizations devoted to charitable
provision frequently play down their religious character; and that
recipients of public provision are more likely to trust providers if
they view them as motivated by faith. Wuthnow does not tell Americans
what they should believe about Mr. Bush's proposals, but he does offer
them empirically grounded findings that can help them reach their own
conclusions.
There are other ways to have an impact on society besides direct
engagement with its preoccupations. The study of religion will always,
and should always, include those who examine the theologies of
different faith traditions, write biographies of important religious
figures, or study the psychological templates of belief. But by
focusing on culture, examining the actual practices of believers, and
demonstrating a willingness to explore widely used, but often
misunderstood, categories, much of the new scholarship on religion
enables Americans to recognize that a revival of religion need not
lead to the creation of a theocracy or that the religious conflict so
evident around the world need not be played out within the United
States. Religion is here to stay. What form it takes and how it will
continue to interact with culture and politics is very much open to
discussion.
Alan Wolfe is director of the Boisi Center for Religion and American
Public Life and professor of political science at Boston College. He
is on leave this fall at the American Academy in Berlin.
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